BOSTON WEBCAST:

Lyndon LaRouche Announces He Will
Form a New PAC To Win the Election
from the Cheney-Bush Administration

Here are the opening remarks by Democratic Presidential candidate Lyndon LaRouche, at a campaign webcast in Boston, July 25, 2004. The webcast was moderated by his national spokeswoman, Debra Freeman. Audio archives of the full webcast are also available:

High-speed audio:	Stream	Download (96.5 MB)
Low-speed audio:	Stream	Download (16.5 MB)

Debra Freeman: On behalf of Lyndon LaRouche's campaign for the Democratic nomination for President of the United States, welcome to Boston.

Tonight's event will actually—kind of kick off (although not quite kick off, 'cause we've been here for a little bit)—but will in fact, initiate a drive that very well may determine, not only the outcome of the election in November, but the future of this nation for at least a generation to come.

Technically, the convention has not yet begun. In fact, it's my understanding that Terry McAuliffe will gavel the convention to order, sometime late tomorrow afternoon. But, long before that event takes place, an effort led here, on the ground, in Boston, by approximately 100 members of the LaRouche Youth Movement, and their friends, will have saturated the city of Boston, with—I hope—by sometime over the next day or two, 10,000 copies of Lyndon LaRouche's platform, a real Democratic platform, for the 2004 election.

And despite this circus, that Terry McAuliffe and the Democratic National Committee think they're going to conduct here in Boston, there is, in fact, a growing group, inside the Democratic Party—the LaRouche faction of the Democratic Party—which is indeed determined, as it has been for more than a year, to see to it, that the Cheney-Bush Administration—and I'd like to stress that it is, indeed, a Cheney-Bush Administration—is put to rest; and that the Democratic Party return to the tradition of FDR, in mobilizing the population of the United States to address the great crises that we face in this year 2004.

As this convention begins, as a result of Lyndon LaRouche's efforts, Dick Cheney is very soon going to be history. And that is despite the fact, that up until a very short time ago, in public statements, the chairman of the Democratic Party, the chairman of the Democratic National Committee, Terry McAuliffe, insisted that it was his policy, and the policy of the DNC, to support a spot for Cheney on the ticket. Which may sound odd. But, Mr. McAuliffe's position, is that Cheney weakens the ticket and he'd like to run—or, that Kerry-Edwards would like to run against Cheney-Bush, because Cheney is a liability.

And, if we live beyond the "looking glass," maybe that would be true. But when you consider the nature of the current crisis, the fact of the matter, is that that attitude, specifically, actually puts the very occurrence of a November election in doubt. And, when Mr. LaRouche first said that several months ago, people thought that it was an extreme statement, or perhaps a statement of hyperbole. But, anyone who picks up the newspaper today, or tunes in to any major news broadcast, will be treated to a variety of headlines, discussing what, indeed, might lead to the cancellation or the postponement, of the election in November 2004.

Rather than contemplate that possibility, our view is that we should that we should get rid of Cheney, now. In fact, it would be very nice, to celebrate the end of this convention, by celebrating the end of Dick Cheney. Now, the fact of the matter, is that the efforts of the LaRouche Youth Movement have had a very significant effect. In the period leading up to the convention, they've put into circulation approximately 1 million copies of the third issuance of the Children of Satan pamphlet, which not only clearly identifies the menace, known as Dick Cheney, but also clearly identifies what is behind him.

When we came into this convention, the fact of the matter, was that there was indeed an effort—an effort that we first thought was being run by the Democratic National Committee itself—to try to lock the LaRouche Youth Movement out of this convention, in the same way that Fannie Lou Hamer, and the Mississippi Freedom Democrats, were locked out of a Democratic convention, some decades in our past. All of the rooms that had been reserved, and paid for—contracted, and paid for—by the LaRouche Youth Movement, were cancelled. When the Democratic National Committee was confronted on this, they claimed that they weren't responsible. They said, that it wasn't their doing.

And, today, in what I think was a very significant occurrence—and I think that it's actually good, that Terry McAuliffe had finally adopted a fighting stance, and I applaud him for doing one good thing: But, today, in a public statement, Terry McAuliffe said, that he was not responsible—not responsible—for locking the LaRouche Youth Movement out, that he was not responsible for the cancellation of the contracts. And when he was pushed on it, he said, "I think Dick Cheney did it." And therefore, we will, in fact, issue a press release—the press release is being written right now—saying that the Democratic National Committee Chairman has accused Vice President Dick Cheney of cancelling the contract! [applause]

You know, you have to give credit where credit is due. And, if Terry does the right thing, I just want to be on record, as saying he has my support. And he should have yours, too. 'Cause he's going to need it, when Dick Cheney reads that press release.

We've got a lot of work to do over the course of the next few days. We've already had a tremendous impact here. We will have a greater impact. Today's event is being broadcast over the worldwide web. I know that there are gatherings across the United States, of interested people, who couldn't be here in Boston, but who are waiting for news and marching orders, resulting from what goes on here, tonight.

And therefore, ladies and gentlemen, without any further introduction, now that everybody has settled down, I'd like to present to you, Lyndon LaRouche.

Lyndon LaRouche: Thank you! Thank you, all. This is going to be fun time!! So, prepare for the fun.

You know, I've advocated fun over a number of years, repeatedly. People sometimes have misunderstood me, and I've had to correct them, as to what I consider fun. Fun is doing good, in a world that likes to do bad—and then, laughing at the reaction you get!

All right, now, today, I received a copy of this magnificent document: It's the New York Times Sunday magazine section. It's infamous around the country. Today, it has a feature, written by Matt Bai, which is actually an example of the folly we're going to laugh about when we're having fun in future times to come. Now, the author of this has consulted with a number of people, who are passable idiots, including the son of George Soros, and so forth, who think they have a map to take the election in 2008, by reorganizing the party.

Now, the problem is, is that the fellow who is leading this is 45 years of age. He's a fairly wealthy person, by his standards, at least. And they think that they're going to rebuild the party, based on what? On a Democratic imitation of what the Republicans, or the Republican apparatus, has done to the Republican Party over a recent period. Now, laugh at them now! Be the first to laugh: Because, it's not going to happen!

The point is, what you've got here, in the case of this article in the New York Times, you have people who are typical of the underside, that is, 45-years-of-age Baby-Boomer—that's the underside of the Baby-Boomer generation; the last gasp of the Baby-Boomer generation. They gave up after that, making Baby-Boomers. The model production line collapsed!

But, they have a certain disease, which I'll get to, here. But, the essential thing is, is that they have a conception of themselves, of the United States, and history, which is unreal. It is this generation, which was created in the middle of the 1960s, in the aftermath of the missile crisis, the aftermath of the assassination of Kennedy, and the launching of the official war in Indo-China. This is called the "Baby-Boomer generation," for their noise-level, especially. This is the '68er generation.

As a result of an operation, of which they were victims—they were not the authors of this, they were the victims of it—as a result of this, we had the '68er phenomenon. As a result of the '68er phenomenon, and of things that ensued, the United States, which was, up to that time, the world's leading producer society; was the nation which had defeated the Depression; the only force which had taken leadership, in actually preventing a fascist world dictatorship; of saving the United States from a depression; of building us into a leading power, again—and all that began to be destroyed with the advent of the Baby-Boomer generation onto leading universities of the United States, where they were being trained to become the leaders of the country, which they largely are, today. They occupy most of the chairs (if they can still fit within them; they do tend in that direction). They're running the government. They're running the leading institutions, they're running the companies—into the ground. They're running the economy into the ground.

The Baby-Boomer generation is the generation which changed the United States, through their development and their continuing role, from the world's leading producer society, into the world's leading parasite, and a bankrupt parasite, at that.

We transformed our country, from a country of the world's leading farmers, or leading labor force, in terms of industrial production—machine-tool design, and things of that sort. We were the leaders. We have been transformed into a bread and circuses society—and less and less bread.

We have, in the past 20-odd years, we have destroyed the lower 80% of our population, in terms of income brackets. These groups are living on less and less and less, in real terms. The upper 20% of the U.S. population, owns more than half of the total income, while those in the lower 80% become more and more poor. The growth of homelessness, of destitution, of people living in $400,000 mortgage shacks, which they will probably lose anytime soon, now, when the real estate mortgage bubble collapses.

This is the great transformation! These guys—in the New York Times reported—who propose to rebuild the Democratic Party, are its grave-diggers! They will rebuild nothing! In fact, they're finished, one way or the other. They are not the future. They're an ugly caricature of the recent past.

Now, what I've done, largely because of prompting, is to produce "A Real Democratic Platform for November 2004," because of the fact that the Democratic Party has a platform which is not a platform. That is, the Democratic Party, this season, did not want to have a platform. They intended not to have one. But, as a matter of form, they had to produce one. So, they produced one. Now, it's a travety; it's garbage. What is said about the United States and policy, means nothing! It's worthless! It's a completely worthless effort—and it was never intended to do anything! But, for the sake of appearing to be a platform, it has a special committee on foreign policy. Now, the committee on foreign policy, of the Democratic National Committee platform, as proposed, is going to one thing: It's going to give us more wars overseas! And, it's put people in foreign countries on notice, that they're going to be at war with the United States: That is not very good policy, for a putative, presumptive candidate, John Kerry, who wants to make himself the friend of the world. It's not going to work.

This thing is finished.

On top of it all, while these fellows babble about the future, they babble about what's going to happen between 2004 and 2008: They're silly babblers! It'll never happen! The world is going into the biggest financial crisis in modern history! This thing is about to collapse, it's only a matter of when. It is already collapsing!

Most people who think they're rich, are bankrupt! They're living on fictitious income. They're living in faith, not on income, but in the "wealth effect," on borrowed money! On loans, they will never be able to repay. It's called "wealth" these days. On stocks, that are really worthless. On financial assets, that are really worthless.

The United States Federal Reserve System is bankrupt! Why is it bankrupt? Because the major banks, of which it is composed, are bankrupt! The European national banking systems are bankrupt! We're heading into the biggest financial collapse the world has ever conceived of. This is not a depression: It's an international financial-monetary-economic breakdown crisis!

Now, that's what we have to deal with. It is a worse crisis than Franklin Roosevelt faced when he came into office, in March of 1933. But, he solved the problem then. And by using the same philosophy, the same conception of the United States, the same conception of the world, that he employed then, and applying that to the present situation: we can save this nation and save civilization.

Now, you look at the convention which is about to open up, tomorrow afternoon. It will be, in large degree, a silly affair, at least to the degree that the people who control the convention, are able to control it. Because there's not a brain in a carload, in the kind of thinking that's going into the leadership of that convention. It's an orchestrated farce; it is not reality.

But, nonetheless, I am determined that the Democratic Party shall win the November election. And, we are going to do it. Because, they've created a mental and moral bankruptcy—a vacuum—in the leadership of the Democratic Party. But, we can not stand by, and say, "Okay, we are right, and they are wrong." We can not let this country go to Hell, out of spite and anger, against their foolishness. This is our country! It belongs to us, historically—not to them! And, we have to defend it. We have to defend it, through the institutions of government, which were created, in a republic and a Constitution, which is the oldest in the world! No Constitution of any other nation, has lasted as long as the Constitution of the United States! This is the finest system of government, which has ever existed on this planet, despite some of the rogues and thieves that have taken over and run it. This is the nation, under whose Constitution, the world was saved from a depression; the world was saved from the threatened empire of world Nazism!

There is no other nation, on this planet today, which could, with its present Constitution and present leadership solve this problem! The United States, not by being an empire, but by being a leader, can play the kind of role that Franklin Roosevelt played, back in the 1930s and 1940s, while he still lived. This nation is the only thing, in terms of available leadership, which can turn the world around, bring nations together, with the kind of effort, typified or echoing what Franklin Roosevelt did before, can make this nation, again, a leader—not an empire—but a leader among equals, in building a world which is fit to live in.

The only instrument we have for this, formally, is the Democratic Party. Not as owned by some bunch of fools who wrote that silly thing that they're going to issue as a platform this week, for the sake of form. Or, maybe they'll withdraw it, after they see mine. Not because they like my program, but because they're scared. And they tend to run away from things, you know—they're that type, Baby-Boomer type.

But, we have to do, is take the party, which really belongs to us, because it belongs to the people who are not represented by the present leadership of the party: It belongs to the lower 80% of the family-income brackets in the United States, who are not represented, although Cynthia McKinney won an election recently, which the Democratic national leadership doesn't like too much. It belongs to us.

The Republican Party has many good people in it. We're going to coopt them. We're not necessarily going to coopt them into the Democratic Party, but we're going to cooperate with them, because there are many good Republicans, who don't like the idiocy that's going on under Republican auspices now. They also have a sense of patriotism. And we intend to have a Congress, which will be dominated by patriots, patriots who will be designated variously as Democrats or Republicans. But, as patriots, they will learn to work together, and live together, as they did under Franklin Roosevelt: To work for the common good of the nation. To look at issues, on the merits. To look at proposals on the merits. And to rebuild this nation.

So therefore, my intention is, while I'm focussed on the events of the convention, while I'm here; while I'm active in the environment of the convention; while I have many friends who are participating in the convention, at various levels of status in the Democratic Party, I will be doing that.

But, the thing I'm really going to do, is going to begin here, in Boston, on Friday—the day after the convention: I will be launching my campaign of leadership, perhaps not as a Presidential candidate, unless they suddenly get struck by lightning here, or struck by the hand of God, or a Damascus Road conversion taking place. But, if that does not occur—and I welcome if it does occur!—[laughter, applause] I'm prepared to take the job and do the job. And, the difference between me and them is, I'm qualified!

But, in any case, on Friday: I will be leading, and there's nothing they can do to stop it—except kill me, and that wouldn't be a good idea—I will be leading the fight to bring a Democratic candidacy into the White House, in January. And you are going to be part of it.

They tried to exclude me out. I include them in! [applause]

So, that's the general war-plan. So, we will be launching a political action committee—officially—on Friday. The papers are already worked out. It's all formal and fine. On Friday, the day after the convention—stay! Don't leave right away. Stay! Because, on Friday, we're going to launch the official, real fighting campaign, to take the Presidency away from what occupies it now.

And, also, at the same time, to try to move the people of the United States, to move Republicans as well as Democrats, and people who don't associate with either party (probably for good reasons!), we're going to bring them together, to act for the nation. Because, you know, once you enter office, as a President, or as a—especially as a President, you no longer belong to your party: You belong to the people of the United States. You take an oath! An oath that you belong to the people of the United States! To its Constitution—not to a party! When you become President, you become the President of the nation, not of a party. The party's authority goes to the sidelines. It becomes part of the political process, but it's on the sidelines.

In the matter of government, especially in a time of crisis, there are no parties! There are people. There are elected representatives, and people. There are institutions, in society, labor movements, farm organizations, others, part of society. They're the interest of the people. The President of the United States, assembling the forces of the government of the United States, the state governments, the Federal government's institutions, must put forth programs, programs of action—not of sentiment, not of appearance—which will save this nation from the worst depression that has ever threatened modern civilization. Which is going to strike now. It's not a question of whether there's going to be a depression: There will be one. It is on, now! It'll be in full force, in January.

Our job is to do what Roosevelt did: Not as Democrats, not as Republicans; but to save the nation, by the kind of leadership he represented, when he walked into the White House, and into the Executive office. And he sat there, as reported, without a pencil or a scrap of paper with which to govern. And he called in two secretaries in the adjacent office, and he began to govern. And what he did in the first few days, as well as the first hundred days of his administration, changed the course of history, from an inevitable fascist tyranny worldwide, into the victory over the Depression and fascism by the end of the war. And he did that.

He did that by calling together the institutions of the country, calling forth people, ordinary people, to form trade unions, as he did, by forming—essentially supporting, what became the CIO, then. To break free of some of the old, encrusted ways of doing business. Of moving people, to save this nation. A man of conscience. And he brought many Republicans, to cooperate with him, in fighting against the Depression, and especially in preparing to fight the war.

He gave us institutions, including a post-war monetary system, which was shoved down the throats of the British: They didn't like it, but they had to take it. And for 20 years, that monetary system kept the economy going, until the eruption of the Baby-Boomer generation, with the Indo-China War in 1964-66, turned it around. And we began to go downhill. We're dying. We're decaying. We're rotten. We're morally rotten, as well as economically rotten. And that is going to change.

So, the campaign is not for the Democratic Party: It's to get this thing that's in the White House, now, out. To get Cheney out, first. To administer a shock to the political system: They're going to change their ways. And the job of the President will be to respond to that mission. We will deliver the victory. We will do what we have to do, to mobilize the forces of the United States: to win that victory in November. When we win it, however, we will take our right: We will tell the winner, he works for us.

And that's the change we're going to make. Okay [sustained applause]. Friday!