The Revolutionary Aspect
Of the La Rouche Method
by Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.
April 27, 2005
The subject of this report is a specific class of mental disorders, disorders which are the most typical cause of today's commonplace, major man-made disasters of modern economies.
Ask yourself: Why are we, as a nation, and as a world, in the awfully dangerous, worsening mess we are in today? Since human beings are not animals, but capable of making the discoveries which enable us to improve the conditions of life in and among nations, why have we permitted this civilization to collapse in the way this has happened during the recent three and a half decades since someone elected Richard M. Nixon as the U.S. President. What is wrong with the minds of so many of our fellow-citizens, that they could have allowed the presently perilous world situation to have developed as it has done?
The reasons for this presently deadly situation are knowable. If we study those reasons, we can discover how we might stop the presently worsening world situation now, as President Franklin Roosevelt's election saved the world from the otherwise inevitable rise of Adolf Hitler's Nazi system to world power, or the similar threat posed by such wretched creatures as our own war-like, so-called "neo-conservative" rabble today.
The diagnosis and cure of this present menace is available, if we will but spend the time and energy to think about it.
Experience with the stubbornness of certain mental blocks among even mature, accomplished scientists, illustrates the reasons for the sometimes astonishing inability of even such professionals, to grasp what should be the obvious proof of the absurdity of Lagrange's lame attempted rebuttal to Carl Gauss's 1799 attack on Lagrange's folly, or, their failure to recognize the even cruder sophistry of Cauchy's "limit" argument. The same kind of stubborn, systemic incompetence, underlies the inability of most of even today's senior professional economists to see the role of those universal physical principles which govern real-life economic processes.
Therefore, when I attack the same kind of incompetence shown by Lagrange, Cauchy, et al., as it prevails among most economists here, I must proceed in ways which reflect my foreknowledge of the kind of mental health problem which I shall also meet both among economists and relevant political leaders who stubbornly refuse to grasp even the rudiments of the challenge which today's onrushing world monetary-financial crisis represents. The root of the latter problem of economists and political leaders, is axiomatically the same foolishness which Carl Gauss attacked in his devastating 1799 refutation of the follies of D'Alembert, Euler, Lagrange, et al., the same systemic folly which Bernhard Riemann identified more profoundly in his 1854 habilitation dissertation.
My understanding of the nature of the mental blocks in such cases, prompts me here to situate the discussion of the mental block met among the economists and political figures, by presenting the fact of its existence here against the background provided by some repetitions of certain aspects of the argument which I have presented in other recently published items on the economic, rather than, as in this present report, the psychological implications of the current crisis.
The reader should therefore be forewarned that I am not simply repeating here the points I have made in those earlier locations. I am, rather, situating a different subject, that of a psychopathological mass-phenomenon which is responsible for the present world crisis, this time against the background of what should be, by now, a familiar context of present economic policy-shaping urgency.
The world is presently seized by the grip of a zone of increasing financial-monetary-economic turbulence, which is proceeding toward a now inevitable, imminent general, collapse of the world's present monetary-financial system. Up to the present moment, if not much longer, we could, physically, safely outlive this crash by sudden measures which echo the successful economic-recovery policies of former President Franklin Roosevelt; but, the present world system itself, the so-called "floating-exchange-rate system" installed during 1971-75, will not, and could not outlive this present crisis.[1] We could survive by choosing to enter a new system of "financial architecture" before the final stage of that crash were to erupt; but, the only workable choice actually available at that point, would be a return to the model of the post-war, fixed-exchange-rate, Bretton Woods system launched under the leadership of President Franklin Roosevelt. Today, we must add to that reform some included features not required by the earlier crisis; but the remedy would be, otherwise, broadly the same.
To the extent of those presently failed policies which leading nations have forced upon the rest of the world, since, most notably, the 1964-1982 interval, the immediate responsibility for this presently onrushing awful, global calamity, lies, chiefly, with the foolishness of the choices leading into the 1971-75 establishment of the floating-exchange-rate system. These were choices which included the election of the first government of the United Kingdom's Prime Minister Harold Wilson and of the U.S.A.'s President Richard M. Nixon, as combined with the effects of continued blunders in support of that floating-exchange-rate system by a majority of the people of the leading nations, such as the people of the U.S.A. and Europe.
However, my subject in this present communication is not, essentially, those foolish U.S. economic policies which I have addressed in locations published earlier; the issue on which I focus your attention here, is the specific kind of mass psychological disorder which has permitted those foolish economic policies to be continued up to this time.
It is not only important, but urgent, to emphasize, that the causes for this calamity, the breakdown and collapse of the original Bretton Woods system, are the mental habits which promoted those policies of change from the policies of the Franklin Roosevelt period, a change which the majority of the population of the leading British Commonwealth members and of the U.S.A., among others, have chosen to continue over the course of the recent four decades. However, the technicalities of those decisions as such aside, when you hear the storms of this catastrophe descending upon you now, you should ask yourself why, today, despite what should have been the hard lessons learned from the world's earlier experience from the 1930s, are you not to be blamed as one among that majority of Americans who, through their choice, or their consenting indifference, helped to bring this presently onrushing crash down upon the heads of us all?
That, in brief, is the question of psychology—or, should we say, psychopathology?—which I address here.
Therefore, if you wish to understand why the majority of the other people in your society behave as foolishly as they have done in matters of national economic policy over the recent several decades, you must look for the important clues to that mass misbehavior in certain axiomatic features of your victimization during recent years, victimization by inherited mental habits from the 1895-1933, and earlier intervals. The difference between those former times and today, is, that the evidence is now clear to those who understand the present situation, that the U.S. economy has been in a continuing down-slide from its level during the mid-1960s, into the onrushing threat of something like Europe's Fourteenth-Century "New Dark Age."
Living Off Our Capital
When all of the relevant evidence were considered, the beginning of the actual net down-turn in the U.S.'s physical economy is located somewhere between the launching of the official U.S. War in Indo-China and President Nixon's folly of August 15-16, 1971. Wishful citizens will tend to deny that a net down-turn began as early as that. Their denial shows the failure of such citizens to take into account the fact that we have been living off a net running-down of our own and other nations' accumulated physical capital for more than thirty-five years. Since life cycles of investment in physical capital of major elements of basic economic infrastructure run as long as between a quarter to a half century, a nation can run down its capital through lack of repair and replacement for as long as a generation, or slightly longer, before reality overtakes it, as our republic has done today.
Those citizens are the kind of people who thought they had been living "high off the hog," until the days the banks will have foreclosed on their mortgages, and they had found that President George W. Bush had intended to steal much of their Social Security pension and health-care, had expressed the sheer personal lunacy of promising a sovereign default on U.S. government's bonded Treasury obligations, and, almost immediately after that utterance, had advised citizens approaching retirement age to invest their to-be-privatized Social Security funds in bonds![2]
What has happened during the most recent quarter century, is even more devastating in its effects than the collapse of essential capital investments within our national economy itself. The economic doctrine of practice of the U.S. government since the late 1960s, has been to drive down the physically actual level of real wages and prices, while shifting production of goods for U.S. consumption out of the U.S.A. into so-called cheap-labor markets abroad. As I shall show at an appropriate location in the body of this present report, this wrecking of the U.S. economy, and those of Europe, too, has come about chiefly through an ideological orgy of the "free trade" dogma associated with both the Mont Pelerin Society's Mandeville cult and Adam Smith. The reduction in relative U.S. prices realized in this way, has come largely out of the collapse of the levels of net real (physical) incomes of families, farms, businesses, and basic economic infrastructure in the U.S.A. itself. Citizens tend to ignore these facts about the reality of our nation's economy, by changing the subject from reality, to fantasy, by insisting that the stock market index is expected to go up next week, or, at worst, next year.
The illusion of prosperity—the popular psycho-pathological illusion of prosperity—has been maintained by ignoring the accelerating collapse of real-income levels and the wiping-out of essential capital investments in savings, production capacity, and basic economic infrastructure. The popular illusions of today should remind us of the mass insanity which was rampant in early Eighteenth-Century England and France, until the sudden collapse of the "John Law" bubbles of that time, the stock-market bubble of 1929, and your uncle's short-lived "Pyramid Club" lunacy of the U.S.A.'s late 1940s.
This process of physical-economic self-cannibalization of our nation, and other places, was accelerated through the 1971-1975 process of destruction of the original Bretton Woods system, in favor of that present floating-exchange-rate system through which the U.S. looted our American neighbors to our South, using channels such as the IMF and World Bank to assist in this robbery. The levels of basic economic infrastructure in the Americas and Europe were depleted through the combined effects of "free trade" and what became known as "globalization" policy, while the shift away from traditional productive employment, to services, inside the U.S. itself, lowered our national productivity to levels which have now become catastrophic.
For a time, we limited the immediately visible parts of the collapse of physical-income levels to the welfare of families and communities representing the lower eighty percentile of family-income brackets. More and more of the formerly prosperous regions of states, even entire regions of the nation, have been ruined by the effects of the deregulation instituted under National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski. The recognized electoral base of political influence was then concentrated more and more in the upper twenty percentile of family income-brackets, with an included category of new super-rich wastrels, such as the Enron types. Since the collapse of the "IT bubble," we have shifted into what is now becoming a full-scale, accelerating collapse.
Similar effects, or even much worse, are to be seen throughout the Americas, or to be seen in the willful genocide now sweeping through sub-Saharan Africa, or the collapse of the once-proud economies of western and central Europe, and among the lower seventy percentile represented by the desperately poor of most parts of Asia. Some strata in Asia have prospered from this ruinous arrangement, but the overwhelming majority, of about seventy percent or more, has not, and never could.
Now, We Pay the Price of Folly
For more than three decades, we have been using up, and running down the physical conditions of production and life on which our relatively once-proud U.S. standard of living of the post-war 1950s and early 1960s depended. We have been living on the using up of our savings, and our essential long-term investment in capital improvements in basic economic infrastructure, in production, and in the basic conditions of family and community life.
Inside the U.S.A., as in Europe, our formerly pleasant "downtown" regions of villages, towns, and cities grow tattered and grey, while our people subsist on picking at the virtual economic garbage-pits and rubbish-piles known as our fast-food chains and Wal-Marts.
We have reached the stage that we, like President George W. Bush and the Congress, are now scraping the bottom of the barrel of Federal finances. We have been on the road to ruin for more than three decades; we—most of us, especially from the ranks of suburban soccer moms and SUV dads—have only pretended not to notice the reality of the situation piling up all around us.
That behavior by you, dear brothers and sisters, is proof of a mental sickness!
We are not likely to come out of what is presently an accelerating nose-dive to deeper regions of misery, unless we locate the causes for this mass phenomenon in the self-destructive mental behavior among the typical members of our society, perhaps also even in your own behavior. The evidence would suggest, that perhaps President George W. Bush, Jr., is not the only member of our society with a serious mental disability.
Why would the proverbial "Average Joe" do such a terrible thing like that to himself? Was it a foolish action taken because of some irresistible streak in "human nature," or did you, or your predecessors from the days of the Coolidge and Hoover Administrations, have a choice to behave less foolishly than you have done so far?
Change the question as follows. Although you may have failed to resist such impulses at certain past times, are you now capable, nonetheless, of resisting such self-destructive instincts as those? Perhaps, if you would discover the will-power needed to avoid such horrible mistakes as those of the past, humanity might be able to avoid the terrible dark age which is threatened now.
In fact, you did have a choice. You still do, if you act to change this situation soon enough.
The sum of the relevant evidence is, that all physiologically "normal" persons are representatives of something unique among known living species, a person with those creative potentialities which are missing in all those other known living species. V.I. Vernadsky's distinction between Biosphere and Noösphere, is but one expression of the crucial evidence to this effect.[3] However, the case of the incumbent President Bush put to one side for the moment, there is an important distinction between the creative potential of even all ostensibly normal persons, and the relatively rare persons who have activated that potential, to become capable, to that degree, of expressing a wholesome quality of being primarily a creative personality.
That has probably been your problem until now. That is the key to choosing your way out of the presently onrushing global catastrophe. How might you become the kind of creative personality the presently onrushing world crisis requires our citizens to become? What is the required antidote for the kinds of mental disorders which caused that crisis?
Take Me, for Example
Human creativity is not bestowed by magic. It is available to nearly all persons, probably with some assistance, if they know how to proceed. It is essentially a matter of relevant, known scientific principles. I explain.
I began to recognize myself as expressing qualities which are typical of the exceptional case of developed creative personality, about the time I experienced the conflict which arose in that certain first day in Plane Geometry class, a conflict to which I have made reference in a number of published locations.[4] I recall vividly my astonishment at the general reaction of my fellow-students to my response to the teacher's challenge. That was the first occasion on which I was able to, as the saying goes, "put my finger" on what was for me a crucial point of provable, systemic difference between my social outlook and that of typical persons among my peers and adults of my parents' and still older generations. In retrospect, I would sum up the accumulation of my experience on that account, by stating that we, collectively, live, globally, today, in a set of cultures, and matching educational systems, which have been intended, as by design, to crush the natural creative potential of nearly all of the members of society.[5] If we recognize and understand this crucial fact, the relevant problems become curable.
The referenced example from that 1930s geometry class illustrates the characteristic form of that induced, mass pathological state of the popular mind. The function of induced belief in ostensibly "self-evident" axiomatic assumptions, as merely typified by the case of a Euclidean or Cartesian geometry, has the effect of prompting the individual victim of that custom, to suppress any impulse which would tend to bring the creative powers of the individual mind into a pattern of self-consciously willful activation.
As Aeschylus' Prometheus Bound illustrates that point, the acceptance of the instruction that one must not teach humans to use "fire," prevents that society from following any pattern of progress which would distinguish the people of such a culture from a colony of apes. The set of definitions, axioms, and postulates of a Euclidean or Cartesian geometry have, potentially, that kind of effect. Creativity means the use of the uniquely human ability to look beyond the bounds of seemingly "instinctive" current axiomatic assumptions, to discover, test, and adopt new principles whose effect is to revolutionize the way society thinks and acts. It is the suppression of that factor of creativity, as the cruel Olympian Zeus demanded of his victim Prometheus, which has made possible the "brainwashing" of the U.S. population into accepting the self-destruction of our economy during the recent period of more than three decades.
The management of cultures, including the education, of some strata, or, of all of the population, to avoid the use of certain natural human potentialities, as was done through the "brainwashing" wreaked by empiricists such as D'Alembert, Euler, and Lagrange, is a reflection of one of the principal characteristics of ancient, medieval, and modern cultures alike. The most significant tactic employed in the relatively more successful practices of such "brainwashing," is less to condition the victim to believe something, than, as the Olympian Zeus prescribed, to condition the subject not to recognize certain specific qualities of mental power, such as the ability to recognize the ability to use "fire," within himself or herself.
This kind of "brainwashing" is a typical cause for the class of mental disorders of economic mass behavior which are the subject of this report.
Thus, for example, Euler committed the fraud of relegating "the square root of 'minus-1' " to the empty domain of "the imaginary." By this hoax, Euler imagined himself to have excluded the real universe, that of universal physical principles, from the realm of the mathematical formalism of the empiricists such as himself. Thus, he defended the purity of ivory-tower mathematics from the domain of physical science.[6] The impact of this brainwashing of Euler is typical of the most common cause of the worst systemic disorders commonplace among European nations and the U.S.A. today.
This point of view I have thus expressed, just now, provides the only possible way of showing the citizens (including leading circles in government) how and why the destruction of the world economy through the promotion of "free trade" and "globalization" was induced, to dupe the majority of the population into accepting the induced degeneration of European civilization during the recent four decades.
Now, consider how the kind of "brainwashing" which I have just identified, works to bring on terrible economic crises such as that which the recent several decades have now dumped upon us today.
How They Were Brainwashed
The most characteristic feature of that moral and physical degeneration of the U.S.A. and world economy as a whole, which has been effected during those recent decades, is the use of "globalization" combined with radical "free trade" dogmas of the pro-fascist Mont Pelerin Society, to lower the potential relative population-density of the world as a whole, by shifting the balance of world production from regions of concentration of development of basic economic infrastructure, into regions of cheap labor based on the relative suppression of development of basic economic infrastructure. The effect today, as I have stressed, is to lower the rate of potential productivity of improved technologies by lowering the level of the development of basic economic infrastructure in areas chosen for that production.[7]
For example, this effect was set into motion intentionally at the close of World War II. The general intention was to orchestrate the direction of evolution of the culture of the U.S.A. and Europe, away from the implied values later associated with the role of leadership provided by the U.S.A.'s President Franklin Roosevelt. Since this orchestration was a program of cultural warfare against the victorious war-time culture of a U.S.A. which Roosevelt had led up and out from a global economic depression, the intended change could not be brought about completely at the start. In fact, more than two generations were required to bring the U.S.A. down to the state of cultural and economic ruin under President George W. Bush, Jr. today.
Two of the measures taken by the anti-U.S.A. faction will be sufficient evidence of the way in which the post-1945 brainwashing has worked, in a particular way, inside the Americas as in western Europe.
One of these measures was the formation of the Mont Pelerin Society itself. The launching of the program of depravity associated with the Congress for Cultural Freedom, is a second case, closely related to the neo-fascist impulses of the Mont Pelerin Society.
If this trend continues, the world is now at the brink of a plunge into a planetary "new dark age," whose implication would be a decline of the world's potential relative population-density to medieval levels, to substantially less than twenty percent of the present level of world population, with the accompanying lowering of the level of culture, and the included vanishing of some of the leading national language-cultures existing today.
That downward trend is clearly intentional on the part of those who are orchestrating, top down, the composition and behavior of the current Bush Administration and many other dupes of its influence. That is the effect of the current policies of influences such as the U.S.A.'s George Pratt Shultz; the evidence is, that is what has been imposed, from the top down, as the conscious intention of the foolish policies of the current, silly George W. Bush, Jr. Administration.
It is important, therefore, that we face the reality of, and discuss the "architecture" of this pathological phenomenon of reductionism as it operates within modern European civilization.
The understanding of the reasons we, as a nation, have destroyed ourselves in the way both presently visible and onrushing developments attest to the results, lies in thinking about what the behavior which I have described so far tells us about the way in which we think about ourselves. What should we mean when we say, "I am a human being"? What is the difference between you and some species of lower forms of life? What does the way our people have behaved en masse during the recent three and more decades tell us about the way we have come to think about ourselves? We are not mere animals, but we have often behaved, individually and en masse, as if we were.
The root of our problem is the way we have been conditioned into thinking about human nature. The lesson to be learned is, that if you think of your neighbor, and yourself, as just another kind of monkey, you will probably find yourself just another terrified, shrieking beast, fleeing from tree to bush in what has become just another jungle: one of your own making.
1. A Systemic Problem of Mental Illness
The best pedagogical example in study of this pathological behaviorism under our scrutiny in this report, is the adducible characteristics of what is recognizable as the philosophical reductionism of the ancient Eleatics, materialists, the Sophists, Aristotle, modern empiricists and positivists, and existentialists. Through the effect of influences such as those, the majority of us in European culture today exhibit typical forms of behavior which reveal the fact that we, today, tend to think of ourselves as beasts, and live as beast against beast in the nightmare of a fantasy-world like that implied in the writings of the notorious Thomas Hobbes.
That's what I mean by "a systemic problem of mental illness" embedded in the present cultures of Europe and the Americas.
For this reason, Carl Gauss's 1799 attack on the fraudulent characteristic of the reductionist method of the empiricist fanatics D'Alembert, Euler, Lagrange, et al., has been my selection of that dissertation by Gauss which I introduced as the keystone of the LaRouche Youth Movement (LYM). The intent of my policy on that account, has been to foster the self-development of creativity in the youth movement, by beginning with an example which is both the relatively simplest, and yet still adequate demonstration of the relevant, systemic mental disorder permeating education and related customs of society today.
In net effect, that program of the LYM has been successful, as far as it has gone. A significant ration of that association has succeeded, that to the degree of contributing significant gobbets of original work of their own. While not all have yet achieved those preliminary objectives in self-education, the net result has been a program of self-education developed among them which is not only self-starting, but which shows a pathway toward successful improvement of policies of currently practiced education at that academic level today.
In the meantime, the LYM's work in this direction has already gone far beyond the beginnings undertaken some years earlier. The work of the Pythagoreans has been fruitfully explored by them, by experimental methods, in tracing the foundations of modern science, while some youth-organization leaders in this work have gone on to independent work in the domain of Riemannian Abelian functions and even beyond those beginnings.
My own initiatives in this matter, have been largely by-products of my original discoveries, and successes in the field of the applied science of physical economy. The recognition, from this standpoint, of the deeper ontological implications of the way in which the subject of the complex domain is treated successfully by such followers of Kepler and Leibniz as Gauss and Riemann, provides the clearest available examples of healthy minds whose work should be seen as contrasted with the problematic, more or less severely pathological mental states through which the mental disorder known as philosophical reductionism often spoils the work even of notable scientists who would be otherwise justly considered as capable and important.
The development of clear insight into that specific problem of the mathematics still employed in most of what is taught as physical science today, provides the relatively simplest demonstration of the way in which modern European culture as a whole has been largely brainwashed by those ideologues, such as the founder of empiricism, Venice's Paolo Sarpi, whose program has been the pivotal feature of the mass-brainwashing of the populations of today's globally extended modern European civilization since that time.
Our preliminary focus, as in this present chapter of the report, is on this problem of the so-called "exact sciences." This scrutiny then serves as the keystone for approaching those broader implications of the same genre of psychopathologies encountered in art-forms and economic policy. What we encounter as the ontological implications of the Leibnizian Gauss-Riemann development of the concept of functions of the complex domain, provides the needed, therapeutic contrast.
To illustrate the point, start with the Egyptian astronomy adopted by the Classical Greek science of Thales, the Pythagoreans, and Plato. This adopted method of physical science met in the work of those exemplars, was known to the Pythagoreans and others as Sphaerics. This method was based on viewing the universe of planets, moons, stars, and so on, as a great spherical, finite but implicitly unbounded space, a space which extended beyond any imagined exact limit.[8] Thus, normalizing the observations made of that celestial scheme from Earth, produced the spherical astronomy which supplied the experimental basis for what became the Classical physical geometry of the Pythagoreans and Plato.
At first glance, nearly everything observed, with certain troublesome exceptions, thus seemed to point to simply repeated regularity in a kind of motion consistent with a purely spherical universe. However, there were certain observed troublesome exceptions to this, cases, as Kepler showed, in which spherical astronomy did not suffice.
These paradoxical cases, when examined from the standpoint of Sphaerics, pointed the attention of the Pythagoreans and others, to unseen, but experimentally provable, existent agencies, known to the relevant ancient Greeks as powers, acting efficiently upon the realm of astronomy as if from the outside of the world of objects which are seen naively as self-evident sense-perceptions. These cases presented the evidence for what strict argument would call today astrophysics, rather than merely astronomy. The result was the physics of powers (Gr. dynamis), as that notion has been handed down from ancient Greece to modern terms by such sources as Thales, the Pythagoreans, and Plato. The modern outcome of this heritage of physical science, has been the way in which the universal manifold of Gottfried Leibniz's physical science[9] was expressed by the development of the ontological conception of what became known, later, as the complex domain, as expressed in Gauss's 1799 dissertation on what is known today as "the fundamental theorem of algebra." This conception by Gauss, enjoyed its continued elaboration and is traced through Riemann's representation of Abelian functions.
Ultimately, this notion of powers, as situated with respect to the simpler case of spherical motions, indicated a higher order of authority in the universe than astronomy itself implied. This higher order of authority—these higher orders of physical geometry—is what we would refer to today as a Riemannian universe conforming to the general principles for a universality of astrophysics which, I repeat, Riemann presented in his 1857 Theory of Abelian Functions.
Perception, or Conception
In physical science, the working definition of sanity, and therefore, also, insanity, is posed as the question, "What is real?" In other words: "What is real, and what is illusion, in those impressions we associate with the experience of sense-perception?" In other words, "What is truthful?"
To say that anyone so far knows the absolute truth, would be worse than an exaggeration. There is much we have yet to know, and, therefore, should not claim to know. The best we can do, in physical science, or otherwise, is to be devoted to being truthful about what we do, and do not yet know.
Being truthful about so-called "facts," is not as easy as foolish people believe. What we can actually know with relative certainty are not so-called "facts," but principles, such as the principles expressed as Johannes Kepler's method of original discovery, and subsequent further development of the notion of universal gravitation. We can know, similarly, the principle involved in ancient Archytas' solution, by the method of Sphaerics, for the problem of a perfect geometrical construction of the doubling of a cube.[10]
As a matter of principle, in the course of general experience, usually, we might presume that we know so-called "facts" only to the degree those supposed facts satisfy the standard of crucial tests required by relevant known, experimentally provable universal physical principles, or by closely related types of principles. However, in the less usual, but crucial case, there is a class of facts, which I term "crucial," or unique types of experimental facts, facts which either simply challenge an established principle, or which point to the need to discover the existence of some universal principle which we either had not known, or which we knew, or could have known, but have simply overlooked on this occasion. This qualification I have just made here is the deeper implication of Riemann's leading argument in his 1854 habilitation dissertation.
As Riemann's habilitation dissertation argument indicates, no honest sorts of a priori standards, such as Euclidean definitions, axioms, and postulates, actually exist as efficient principles in our universe. There are no "facts" of actual or supposed sensory experience which can be treated as self-evident. The universe is defined as an aggregation of universal physical principles, principles which subsume everything else. Nothing exists which is not in agreement with the principles of the universe defined in that way. There is only the fact of relevant principles yet to be discovered. Thus, existing truth of experience is nothing but that which coincides with such an aggregation of universal principles.[11]
Thus, since true knowledge is defined by the standard of proofs of universal physical principles, it is the case, that in the history of science since Thales, the Pythagoreans, and Plato, reality is defined essentially in astrophysical, rather than merely astronomical terms. What is real in our normalized experience of a clear view of the night-time sky? We can not answer this question competently by trying to build up an image of the universe on the basis of local particular sense-perceptions taken as building-blocks. We must, as Kepler did, discover the relevant universal physical principles. Astronomy merely describes; astrophysics is the discovery of the truth, the universal physical principle, behind what an astronomer might observe.
I sum up what I have just written in this chapter so far, in the following terms:
Starting from the modest view of the night-time sky, a view which does not resist the presumption that the observed universe is a vast spherical space represented by our observations, we have the troubling conflict between two kinds of facts, a conflict to consider in attempting to define the reality represented by that night-time view of a spherical kind of universal physical space-time. First, the simpler experiences, which can be assumed, with reasonable precision, to be simply regular motion within the bounds of spherical space-time. That is ordinary astronomy. Second, there are stubbornly persisting motions which do not correspond to simply regular motion. The classical example of the latter case is Johannes Kepler's uniquely original discovery of universal gravitation, or Gauss's discovery of the orbit of the asteroid Ceres. The latter standpoint corresponds to a universe defined by astrophysics, rather than by mere astronomy.[12]
That is the difference between mere perception (e.g. astronomy) and conception (e.g., astrophysics).
Ours is not a simply repeating universe, but one which undergoes transformations which are knowledgeably defined as what we term the universal physical principles typified by Kepler's discovery and development of the notion of universal gravitation: hence, astrophysics.
Here, in this distinction which I have just emphasized, between astrophysics and astronomy, and between perception and conception, lies the ancient key to modern, true knowledge of the experimentally provable, practical expression of the principled difference between man and beast.
The Effect of Sick Culture
This brings us to the verge of the pivotal conception of our subject of sanity in science. The issue is, that since sense-perceptions are the reaction of our biological sense-apparatus to whatever "out there" may have stimulated that reaction, we can not assume that our sense-perceptions are knowledge of the real universe outside our skins. Therefore, to discover the real universe which caused those sense-perceptual reactions, we are obliged to develop provably reliable experimental methods for defining powers which we do not see directly with our senses, but we can prove, experimentally, to exist.
As the issue of "fire" posed in Aeschylus' Prometheus Bound poses the issue, the ability of the human mind to discover those powers defines the essential difference between man and beast. It is through the discovery and successful application of such powers, as conceptions of principle, that mankind has been able to increase the potential relative population-density of the human species as does not, and could not occur in the case of any merely animal species.
Thus, the denial of the right of mankind to discover and use such powers would be the bestialization of those portions of humanity victimized in the way prescribed by, excepting the contrary Athena of the Odyssey and certain other fabulous locations, the pagan gods of Zeus's Olympus.
This view of the lesson taught in Aeschylus' Prometheus Bound, serves us a key point of reference for understanding the pathological behavior of the U.S.A. population, and others, during an interval of more than thirty-five years to date. The induced disuse of the faculty of conception, as by the influence of reductionist ideologies, or kindred forms of induced effects, is a relative loss of those mental potentialities which distinguish the individual member of the human species from the beasts.
In one typical case, such as the practice of slavery or the like, as by the Olympian Zeus of Aeschylus' Prometheus Bound, under the system of chattel slavery, or in the neo-feudal model of serfdom on which France's Dr. François Quesnay founded the Physiocratic cult, the right of the subjected person to practice human reason in the ordinary course of life, is denied, principally, by aid of external force applied to accomplish this. It is also denied, under such social systems, by the conditioning of the victim to accept this restriction as a habituated self-conception of regular practice. It is induced, similarly, by such means of degrading the individual, as educational systems and practices intended to habituate the victim to accepting the fate of a menial status in life.
It is also the result of degraded qualities of family and local community life, which induce the victim to think of himself or herself as bestial, and by the habit of bestial behavior toward other persons, as the latter is a commonly expressed by culturally transmitted traditions of abuse in family and community life, transmitted as bi-polar syndromes passed down as from beating parent to beaten child, often "for your own good," or by alternate modes of family-based sadistic practices with similar outcomes.
These kinds of abusive practices, or the inducing of kindred effects on the molding of the individual personality, or of particular cultures and sub-cultures, typify the ways in which the natural potential for the development of the cognitive function is impaired, even seemingly almost destroyed. For example, a sudden descent of a social climate of pervasive fearfulness will tend to induce a degradation of a large part of the population to a relatively dehumanized, relatively feral state of mind, as under the conditions induced by Hermann Göring's orchestration of the February 1933 Reichstag Fire, or the events of September 11, 2001 in th U.S.A. The sensitivity of a people to such degrading experiences and conditions is enhanced by protracted exposure to degrading experiences, as in pre-Hitler Weimar Germany, especially the interval under the Brüning and von Papen ministries, or the growing sense of desperation experienced as the worsening conditions of life for the lower eighty percentile of the U.S. population over the 1971-2001 interval. The right-wing irrationalism among assorted religious cults as a correlated effect of the increasingly irrational changes in social conditions during that interval, is an example of the mental deterioration which may be traced to effects of worsening and increasingly irrational forms of imposition of aversive conditions of ordinary life spilled over from the effects of the wild, countercultural irrationalism expressed as the "68ers" phenomenon which had been fostered by the childhood experiences of that generation, under the influence of the Congress for Cultural Freedom, during the childhood years of the 1950s.
Yet, to understand the sickness of any process, we must first locate its condition of good health. For this purpose, we must know that healthy condition in a way which is independent of, and outside the bounds of the sicknesses. We must understand man as a higher species, that in a way which is independent of the existence of man's sicknesses.
2. The Function of Man As A Higher Species
Mankind's place in the universe is defined by the function of the individual person's creative mental processes in mankind's changing the universe in some beneficial way. Putting the questions posed by economic processes in those terms of reference, now leads us rapidly, here, toward an understanding of the deadly incompetence of those ideas which most of our society of today associates with even the very idea of economy.
I now ask you to look at the implications of the uniqueness of the human individual's creative mental processes for society, with this goal of higher understanding as our objective at this point in my account. This will be a challenge to most among you, but it is a challenge which responsible people will accept, out of respect for the extreme practical importance of the subject-matter, despite any temporary difficulties in their attempts to master some of the crucial points presented.
The incompetence of most taught doctrine or opinion on the subject of human mental processes, is a reflection of either the attempt to show that human cognitive powers are an outgrowth of either non-living processes, as such wild-eyed followers of Bertrand Russell as Norbert Wiener, John von Neumann, and so forth do, or, in the alternative, to insist that the existence of those qualities of human cognition which are absent in animal life must be, nonetheless, traceable to isolable features of general animal biology.
The evidence against the first of those two doctrines, that of Weiner and von Neumann, is clearly strong, and, in fact, overwhelming, since competent practice of physical science deals with the recognized systemic qualities of ontological differences between living and non-living processes. That evidence refutes the fanatical advocate of the "information theorists' " desperate attempts to show that living processes evolve out of the principles of non-living ones. That attempt has yet to gain any supporting experimental basis outside the myths of "science fiction," and, we may be certain, never will.
The second mistaken doctrine, when contrasted to the fantasies of the "information theorist," has the specious relative advantage of the fact that, whereas there are living processes distinct from non-living ones, we have no ontological evidence of any independently existing cognitive process except that manifest in its effects as a property of human individuals. Yet, the very efficiency of those same creative powers, by means of which mankind changes the universe we inhabit, shows that human cognition is fully as much a physically efficient power as we could associate with efficient forms of action within the abiotic and biological domains. It is for this reason, that civilized culture, which must find a name for this third domain, has located those cognitive processes which distinguish man from ape, in an ontologically spiritual domain.
Yet, contrary to sundry varieties of gnostics, including the materialist, empiricist, and existentialist varieties of such mental aberrations, this notion of spirituality, whose efficiency is demonstrated in that way, is not something outside the universe ontologically, but is fully within it efficiently. It is on this account, that the genius of Academician V.I. Vernadsky's treatment of the Noösphere, as within the domain of physical science, is such a remarkable accomplishment of physical science.[13]
However, despite the intellectual challenge which that topic implies, the requirements of the subject of this present report as a whole would not permit us to avoid the problems which Vernadsky's argument poses for us today. To tolerate the opposition to Vernadsky's argument would be, implicitly, as the materialists, empiricists, and existentialists do, those such as Mandeville, Quesnay, and Adam Smith, to certify that man is a beast, and therefore naturally a beast—more or less a Hobbesian one—to man. In that case, the present, global situation of the people of the U.S.A.—and many other places—were an intrinsically hopeless one. If man were a beast, rather than essentially a spiritual being in the sense I have described him in this present report thus far, then the future of the people of the U.S.A. (in particular) is a hopeless one; the descent into a prolonged new dark age of humanity would be, in principle, unstoppable.
The Soviet Union's official versions of "dialectical materialism" should probably be blamed for the fact that Vernadsky's treatment of the Noösphere, while clear as far as his extant writings known to me go, does not offer us that specific explication of his emphasis on Riemannian physical science which is implicit for me, for example, but would probably have been missed by most others acquainted with his work.
In the official science of the former Soviet Union (in contrast to Soviet science's most notable achievements, such as those in the military domain), its official version of so-called "dialectical materialism" was savagely alien to everything traced from the richest lodes of European Classical culture as a whole. Certainly, while it is evident that the Soviet government, including Stalin himself, defended Vernadsky personally from the relevant official Soviet ideologue's harassments, available documentation shows very clearly that the ideological environment for Vernadsky from relevant "orthodox materialists," was notably hostile and aggressive. What I find missing from Vernadsky's account of the implications of Riemannian physical geometry for the notion of the Noösphere, is precisely that implication which the all too typical Soviet materialist ideologues would be least inclined to tolerate.
Despite that historically specific cause for today's difficulties in defining some relevant implications of Vernadsky's views during his own lifetime, his emphasis on Riemann enables us to reach firm conclusions on some relevant points of concern to us here. Clearly, for me, Vernadsky is viewing the triadic domain, of the interacting abiotic, Biosphere, and Noösphere, in that language of Riemann surfaces which is centered on the topics of The Theory of Abelian Functions. This view of the matter returns us to Plato's Timaeus dialogue as a point of reference to the concept which Vernadsky's stated Riemannian view of the triadic relationship implies.
The principal subject here is human cognition. By that we do not mean only the ability to discover principles which explain regular motion which we are able to observe, as if in astronomy. We mean the ability to discover an efficient principle which, when wielded in our hands, provides us today with a new quality of power over events within the universe, a power which we had not commanded yesterday. Although we have not located a separate quality of material substance, distinct from both the abiotic and biotic qualities, corresponding to a principle of human cognition which generates these powers for our willful use, the effect of the application of those powers upon the universe is clear. It is clear that the cognitive powers constituting a third domain of substantiality, the Noösphere, are known to us experimentally only in their human expression. The crucial evidence to this effect, pertains, as Vernadsky states, to a class of fossils which is generated only by those powers obtained through human cognition, and not within the Biosphere otherwise.
Leibniz, Gauss and Riemann
We must not avoid the fact here, that the popular meaning of the term "matter," and that term's synonyms, is the pivotal expression of the ignorance which most citizens bring to the discussion of economics. Most people in our society still cling to the delusions of sense-certainty, the seemingly instinctive belief that the experiences perceived to lie at the finger-tips of the senses, are the real universe. The usual results of that popular, childish delusion are either simple materialism or something akin to the empiricist's Cartesianism. This was, notably, the delusion which Carl Gauss exposed, in his 1799 doctoral dissertation, as the common systemic error, the virtual delusion of D'Alembert, Euler, Lagrange, et al. then, and Cauchy and his followers later.
I should repeat here what I emphasized earlier on this matter, in this report and earlier locations. I use the fact of those earlier treatments of this topic, to limit myself here to repeating a difficult, but indispensable point as succinctly as possible, given the importance to the vital interest of all of the citizens of the topic being presented here.
Our sense-experiences are, at their most reliable, merely our mind's interpretation of the sensations which the universe around us has caused. The real universe lies beyond the senses. In respect to those sensations, our mind seeks to interpret them as experiences, in the effort to discover actions by us which can exert some degree of control over that unsensed universe itself which has prompted the relevant sensations.
The result of this action by the mind is represented at its best by the notions I have identified in making the contrast of astronomy to astrophysics: the difference between the mere describing of experience (e.g., astronomy) and the experimental discovery and proof of the ordering of experience by a principle which, in and of itself, lies outside the bounds of sense-experience: such as Kepler's uniquely original discovery of universal gravitation (astrophysics). Within the history of modern science, this distinction must be traced from a series of writings on scientific method by Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, a series associated with his initially published general statement on the matter, De Docta Ignorantia.
Cusa is the principal author of the original definition of modern science, as the experimental science associated explicitly with such followers as the most notable figures of Luca Pacioli, Leonardo da Vinci, Kepler, Fermat,[14] Leibniz, Gauss, Riemann, et al. Cusa's work in science is defined most clearly in a categorical way, by looking at underlying principle of method in De Docta Ignorantia, in retrospect, from the later vantage-points of Riemann's 1854 habilitation dissertation and 1857 Theory of Abelian Functions.
Kepler, in addition to his development of the foundations of modern astrophysics as such, posed two additional notions based on that work, notions of the most general and crucial importance for the subsequent conceptual development of modern European science. These are his emphasis on the requirement that future mathematicians must develop a calculus such as that by Leibniz, and that the ironical, anti-Euclidean implications of elliptical functions must be mastered, as was done by such exemplars as Riemann.
The legacy of Cusa, Kepler, et al. was brought to a significant degree of fruition by Leibniz, most notably Leibniz's conception of Analysis Situs and the development of a calculus of a catenary-cued geometry expressed by his principle of universal physical least action. The savage Eighteenth-Century attacks on Leibniz's principle of universal physical principle of least action, by the empiricists, was led with a crucial role by the circle of empiricist fanatics D'Alembert, Euler, Lagrange, et al. As I, and others, have reported frequently, the opposition to that attack of Leibniz's work, was led by a circle associated with Abraham Kästner who was a leading mathematician of that century, and also a defender of the work of Leibniz and Johann Sebastian Bach, the sponsor of Gotthold Lessing, and was himself one of the two leading teachers of Carl F. Gauss. The European revival of Leibniz's work was led by the circle of Gaspard Monge and Lazare Carnot, in later association with the networks of Kästner's student Gauss and Alexander von Humboldt.
So, as I have emphasized in numerous locations published earlier, the implications of Leibniz's discovery that the catenary function, rather than the cycloid, expressed a universal physical principle of least action, was clarified by the work of Gauss and others, beginning with Gauss's 1799 attack on the fallacies of the empiricists around Euler and Lagrange. The key to this role by Gauss was introduced in the 1799 dissertation, but was made explicit in Gauss's later elaborations of the physical principle of the complex domain, and in associated work on the general principles of curvature. Riemann's leading works, which I have repeatedly referenced, completed the general outlines of the case.
The story, so to speak, of the complex domain, takes us back to the scientific astronomy of the ancient Egypt of the great pyramids, to the distinction between astronomy and astrophysics as defined in that context. The concept of the complex domain as a physical, rather than as a merely formal-mathematical domain, goes directly to the mathematical heart of the difference between astronomy and astrophysics. It takes us directly into the realm of that sanity which the self-endangered population of the U.S.A. in particular requires so urgently today.
Universal Principles as Objects
In physical science, as distinct from merely formal mathematics, we have two leading types of measurements to be combined into one. As I have already said above, one is the universe as mere astronomy would imagine it; the other is the action of the real universe, the physical universe, in creating those shadows of reality which impinge, as reflections of universal physical principle (e.g., astrophysics) upon the relevant formation of the domain of perception. For Gauss himself, this implication of the complex domain was made clear, as in his work on the general principles of curvature, and his work on Earth magnetism where Gauss's own approximation of the problem posed by Dirichlet's Principle appears in passing. Once Gauss's work in this direction had been rounded out, so to speak, by Riemann's habilitation dissertation and Theory of Abelian Functions, the deeper implications of Leibniz's catenary-cued universal physical principle of least action, is not only restored to its rightful prominence, but in an appropriately more elaborated form.
The key point which needs to be emphasized within the topic of this paper as a whole, is the following.
Reality does not lie in the objects which we tend to think of as objects of sense-perception. The objects of sense-perception are often real, but, as the Christian Apostle Paul warns us,[15] their reality is that of shadows, not substance. The complex domain, as defined successively by the work of Gauss, Dirichlet, and Riemann, for example, represents the reality behind the perception. However, this reality is not in the form of the object which is the shadow. The reality is in the form of a power as the Classical Greek term is usually expressed in English, or as Leibniz's choice of the German Kraft; it is reality in the sense of an astrophysical principle. The importance of stressing this notion of power as an object occurs under the title of Geistesmasse in Riemann's posthumously published notes on scientific method,[16] and appears as the central theme of Riemann's treatments of what he identifies as Dirichlet's Principle. The relevant notion is the conceptualization of a universal physical principle as a definite object of the mind, as Gauss implies this efficient problem of conceptualization in his work on Earth magnetism.
In the modern English translation from the ancient Greek, the ontological quality of this power is change, as this notion of change is associated with Heraclitus, and as Plato follows Heraclitus in his posing of the relevant problem in his Parmenides dialogue's exposure of the incompetence of the Eleatics. In other words, the employment of a discovered universal physical principle has the ontological quality of change. From that standpoint, as reflected in the argument of Heraclitus as referenced by Plato, the conceptualization of an efficient universal physical principle as a definite object of the mind is accomplished by competent scientific training and thinking.
In discussion of accounting problems, and so on, change appears only as the exceptional, discrete change from one fixed set of relations to another. In physical economy, a continuing process of change is the ontologically primary feature of the economic process.[17] On this account, the competent economist thinks about the operations of an economy, or a particular firm, in a completely different way than does the accountant or the usual sort of economist. That, unfortunately rare, competent economist thinks in terms of a constant process of change: thinks of universal physical principles as efficiently existing definite objects of the mind.
This is precisely what is presented to us as the implications of Vernadsky's triad of abiotic, Biosphere, and Noösphere as phase spaces.
The process of generation of that special class of fossils above and beyond the Biosphere as such, serves as the experimental substance through which our experimental approach to understanding of human cognition becomes possible. In other words, we know the principle of cognition through its special effects, as we also know a principle of life, the latter which has never been captured as an independently existent substance in a laboratory, but whose principled actions and reactions are proper subjects of experimental methods.[18]
This principle of cognition defines the human individual as implicitly immortal, which is to say the power to become immortal as, for example, the scientists Pythagoras and Archimedes did: through others' replication of what is validatable as their discoveries of principle, across intervening millennia, through to the present day.[19] The appropriate argument in support of that observation is two-fold.
First of all, mankind's accumulation of the powers which Aeschylus' implicitly Satanic, Olympian Zeus forbids, powers typified by knowledgeable use of forms of fire such as controlled nuclear fission, typifies mankind's ability to do what no animal species can do: willfully increase the human species' potential relative population-density through the experimental discovery of even a single universal physical principle of the type I have associated with the use of the term power in this report.
Such discoveries of a power are never a collective effect, but always the action of a single sovereign individual mind's cognitive processes. This is a process which occurs only within an individual human being's perfectly sovereign cognitive processes. Such processes of discovery can be replicated, however, within other individual minds' sovereign cognitive processes. A properly constituted classroom, organized according to the same Classical principles familiar from Plato's Socratic dialogues, is a typical medium of interaction through which acts of discovery are stimulated, and replicated among a group of individuals. The Platonic Socratic dialogue is a model of the way in which a classroom, or kindred social process, is most effectively organized.
Through various expressions of the transmission of discovery of powers, such powers are accumulated as transmissible revolutions in practice through a succession of generations. Thus, the personality which generates the relevant discovery of principle, becomes immortalized in the replication of the act of discovery in others. The modes in which a growing accumulation of such discoveries of powers progresses through successive generations, is the proper definition of a branch of human culture, such as a language-culture whose specific accumulations of Classical forms of ironies provide the medium through which this development of the individual personality is fostered. This is the only useful definition of any application of the term "Classical;" to avoid the encouragement of frauds, other modes which differ from this should not be termed "Classical."
Now, because of what I have just written above, see how what I have just outlined in the preceding paragraphs provides you knowledge of how an economy actually works.
Mere Footprints Are Not Feet
The characteristic principle of action upon which the continued existence of the human species depends, is what I have just stated in introducing the subject of Vernadsky's discovery of the Noösphere into this report. For this purpose we must now understand that the phase-spatial principles of the abiotic, Biosphere, and Noösphere domains are, themselves, powers in the relatively higher order of the process as a whole. The actions of society, by means of which the continuation of the human species is accomplished, are nothing other than the willful employment of these qualities of action, these higher powers, to effect a qualitatively higher state of development of that integrated phase-spatial system as a whole.
In other words, for example, it is not any presently taught body of physical science which expresses these qualities of power; rather, it is the action represented by those ongoing changes corresponding to a higher order of principle in the aggregation of those powers themselves. It is increases in the productive powers of labor so motivated, as per capita and per square kilometer, which are the primitive expression of the continuation of the existence of the human species. This arrangement is to be viewed practically as the domination of the abiotic phase-space domain and of Biosphere by the Noösphere, a Noösphere which, in turn, is a subject of the individual human creative will. With that understanding, the true meaning of economy begins to fall into place.[20]
Something else also falls into place. That something else is the nature of the pathology which has been the stated subject of this present report as a whole. The relevant mental disorder which I am addressing here, is, in the last analysis, the inability to see the physical-economic, developmental process of society's existence, rather than in terms of a society represented by some fixed set of rules. Which is to say, allegorically, that mere footprints are not feet.
I do not merely concede, but stress here that even in my own teaching of economics earlier, I have rarely been as explicit as this on the matter of principle I have just posed. That practice arose within my teaching of this subject, from practical pedagogical considerations. Apart from exceptional occasions, in work with what would be considered as specialists with relevant backgrounds in education and experience, I was impelled to avoid over-straining the degree of development of my then available students and others; on this account, I substituted a pedagogy of reasonable, successive approximations in imparting to them at least a practical sense of a physical economy.
So, by the early 1970s, it was clear that, as it is said, "sooner or later," I must supplement my classroom teaching on the subject of economics itself by devising a relevant type of educational program in the essentials of Riemann's work. Without such training of the students of economics in the relevant features of Riemann's work, a fulsome presentation of my own discoveries and their development to those audiences and classes were not feasible. Some progress to that end was made, but there were serious obstructions to my policies on this account introduced from among my associates.
Now, the development of the LaRouche Youth Movement, beginning on the West Coast of the U.S.A., combined with the nature of the immediately onrushing phases of the world's present breakdown-crisis, are typical of the converging conditions, including notably, the ongoing collapse of General Motors and related crises, which, happily, allow and also demand a more direct presentation of the core of the Riemannian implications of my discoveries and related work, as I emphasize that here.[21]
Despite the pedagogical compromises, what I taught heretofore was true, but only rarely did I state my own view on these matters as directly as I am doing here. The practical consideration always was, that these aspects of economy can not be addressed except from the standpoint of critical examination of prevalent psychopathologies, as I am doing here. Now, the times themselves are ripe enough that such fruits may now fall from the tree. On reflection, in reading this, you will be enabled to recognize what I was actually saying to you on earlier occasions, respecting the deeper side of the subject of economic science.
For these purposes, Vernadsky's presentation of the conception of the Noösphere is most useful under today's global circumstances.
As I have stressed in sundry relevant other locations, the presently onrushing global economic crisis finds the world verging upon the boundaries of presently developed raw-materials sources. The limits are not absolute limits, such as those proposed by the so-called Club of Rome and others of that leaning. The limits are relative limits expressed in the form of the need for new approaches to development of resources, so as to ensure adequate supplies of such materials, at reasonable prices, for a world in which the rate of increase of population, and per-capita technological development of those populations will greatly increase the demands for development of raw-materials supplies. This will involve increased reliance on technologies in the upper ranges of existing "energy-flux densities." The development of a planetary system of management of such supplies, is now an integral part of the economy of Earth as a whole, an integral part of the basic economic infrastructure of the planet.
Our planetary crisis has now reached the point that there is no hope for what we might have considered, until now, as the opportunity of a "decent life" the next several generations of humanity, unless we not only consent to, but demand and enforce a "reverse cultural-paradigm shift," back toward the pro-industrial policies associated with the Franklin Roosevelt Administration and the post-war reconstruction efforts of the period up to the 1964-68 upsurge of the "68ers" generation.
The view of Vernadsky's Noösphere from the vantage-point of my discoveries in economics, is now the essential approach needed for the present world situation of crisis.
To assist at least some of those "Baby Boomers," and the present generation of adult youth of university-eligible age, in grasping the emotional forces which are presently tending to prevent our society from adopting solutions for this onrushing global nightmare, the following summary description of the state of mind of the typical "Baby Boomer" of North America and western and central Europe may be indispensable.
3. Technology as Physical Economy
In the next chapter, I shall treat the current, crucial example, of the way in which the process of globalization, by shifting production from regions with more highly developed basic economic infrastructure and higher customary standard of living, to regions of less-developed infrastructure and lower usual standard of living, results in a lowering of the productivity of the planet as a whole. During the recent quarter century, that transformation of the planet as a whole has produced presently disastrous effects.
Therefore, I devote this present chapter to clarifying some of the leading considerations of popular psychopathology which must be taken into account to understand how the recent generation of global decline has been brought about, largely, through the process which is presently referred to as "globalization."
In any meaningful use of "technology," I should use that term, as here, as a convenient way of referring to the specific way some scientific principle, or combination of principles, is applied to the generation or use of a product. Therefore, the term "technologies" refers, essentially, to the participation of a principle or set of principles. We should use the term "principle" in the sense of a universal physical principle, and regard "technology" as a term whose use should be limited to reference to innovations which are reflections of either some universal principle or improved mode of employment of such a principle. That sense of "principle" is always to be treated as subsumed by the notion of a universal astrophysical principle.
It must be remembered, throughout this report, that our use of the term "principles" here, as always, signifies "powers" as in the tradition of the Pythagoreans, Kepler, Leibniz, et al., not the modern reductionists' meaning of "force." Therefore, the first point of clarification to be made, is that technologies so defined do not add to, but act to transform the function to which they are applied. This notion of transformation may be compared to the non-linear action of gravitation in determining the characteristic motion of a Keplerian orbit, and that in the sense of that aphorism of Heraclitus, nothing is constant but change, which Plato reflects in his Parmenides dialogue. The generality of the geometries of Riemann's Abelian Functions, is the applicable notion. The following discussion should make that point clearer.
The economy, so defined, is not the summation of functionally independent components which are each products of localized action. Contrary to habits of U.S. national income and product accounting, local production is a product, in the functional sense, of the active interaction of all significant factors of the national economy as an integrated process as a whole. It is also, functionally, similarly, an integral part of a world process; but, the national borders are, and must be maintained as a buffer between what transpires within the national economy, and its interactions with the world economy without.
We should order our sense of technologies and their applications, according to the hierarchical, upward ordering of abiotic, Biosphere, and Noösphere. That is to say, that we develop a predominantly abiotic setting to support living processes, and develop living processes to support human populations and their activities. Thus, the fertility of land area for development of field and forest, for example, predetermines the relative degree of success available to support fertility of development of the relevant section of the Biosphere. The level of development of the Biosphere determines the relative range of contribution of support to the Noösphere. Similarly, the level of development of basic economic infrastructure determines the relative level of productivity of agriculture or industry per capita and per square kilometer. The relative level of development of the health and mental powers of the members of the population, determines the relative degree of realization of progress in evolution of the Noösphere. These notions always express the quality of powers.
In all this, we must never overlook the fact that a properly defined universal physical principle is a form of anti-entropic action in itself.
Also, developments of the preconditions of human existence and production must be seen in the order of longest term, first, to long term, to medium term, to short term, last. Similarly, we most note the preference for increased life-expectancy of highly developed populations, over greater numbers of poorly educated, and shorter life-expectancy populations with the characteristics of a cheap labor force.
The calculable feature of relations broadly so ordered must be determined concretely, as essentially a matter of science. However, it is not only feasible, but indispensable to treat the relations in more or less the broad terms I have indicated so far here. On this account, it must not be overlooked, or regretted, that precise measurements of the indicated relations will usually become feasible long after the relevant long-term to medium-term choices have been made. Therefore, the shaping of physical economic policies of society must be made according to broad "rules of thumb" akin to those I have just outlined here, to the effect that most crucial decisions will have been made long before the relevant fine measurements were available.
The latter approach corresponds to the way hiring policies are often chosen for rapidly growing productive enterprises. For such cases, prudent employers will choose those applicants who, according to profile, are likely to improve to meet rising standard requirements, rather than prefitting an exact, predetermined standard. The recruitment of the relevant elements of the labor-force is based on broad considerations, leaving the refinements to be developed in the course of development of the productive process.
There are some highly relevant, additional considerations to be included in our broad outlines here.
In past times, as in U.S. practice of the late Eighteenth Century, it was customary for some to refer to capital goods of production as included in a category of "artificial labor." The higher the ratio of "artificial labor," especially that expressing higher levels of technology, the greater the multiplier-effect on an otherwise fixed quality of the effort of living human labor. The longer-term physical capital of infrastructure, for example, engages, and thus reacts upon that action which it affects, and which, thus, depends upon it for that level of potential performance.
The most advantageous concentration of "artificial labor" is usually in basic economic infrastructure. As the profile of elements of "artificial labor" becomes relatively shorter-term, as we go up the ladder, progressive changes in the technology embodied tend to become preferred to long-term investment. However, the future increase of the ration of the longer-term should, hereafter, tend to predominate to the degree that much of basic economic infrastructure's "life-span" will tend toward running into virtual "terra-forming" effects, with an associated "life-time" cycle of centuries.
All of these considerations should be read with the understanding that we are seeking to increase the accumulated potential power, in Leibniz's sense of the economic power of a physical economy, at the same time that the power of labor per capita and per square kilometer is increasing through scientific and comparable forms of progress. We should be increasing the potential embodied as the accumulated power of basic economic infrastructure, production, the labor force as such, and the general cultural potential of the population as a whole.
Therefore, the level of educational and related cultural development of the population is the topmost of the requirements of progress in the productive powers of labor. In today's technological culture, the first target is the development of the young up through approximately the "school-leaving age" for scientific and related professionals of about a quarter-century. However, the continued such qualities of cultural development of the population above twenty-five years of age, will become an increasingly significant objective of society over coming generations.
The Cultural Paradigm-Shift
Under present trends, unless those are soon corrected, by the time most levels of the U.S. Government would be prepared politically to recognize the actual implications of the presently ongoing collapse of General Motors' productive capacity, all short- to medium-term remedies for a consequent national catastrophe would have been preemptively exhausted. When one allows for the dissipation of the organized capability for building the machines that make the machines of high-technology types of production, the effect on the relevant parts of the economy will be as if a tidal wave had swept and destroyed that regional economy and its living conditions in a way which reminds us of post-1977 trends toward spread of new dust bowls in regions of formerly high-technology family, or multi-family farming. The concurrent effects on industries of a related type would have created effects which could not be reversed in less than a generation or longer. Entire communities would be virtually destroyed, as if in the transformation of an area of rich farm-land into a dust bowl.
The principal source of that danger lies in the effects of the cultural transformation of the way of thinking of the "Baby Boomer" and "Tweener" generations, as contrasted with the spectra of mind-sets of the adult generation of the 1930s and 1940s. The "Tweeners" are generally worse than the "Boomers," because of their qualitatively greater distance from, the experience of a science-driver-oriented, agro-industrial culture.
For reasons of cultural experience, as my associates and I have relevant, extensive experience with the distinctions in behavioral traits between young adults of the eighteen to twenty-five years age-range and the "Tweeners," the "Tweeners" tend to be more radically Sophists, less rational than the "Boomers." The needed reflexes for recognizing the perils of the present economic situation, tend to be limited to certain ranks of persons either under twenty-five, or in their late sixties, and, more clearly, their seventies and eighties.
Such are the effects of prolonged exposure to the overlapping effects of the sophistical indoctrination by the programs of the Congress for Cultural Freedom and the transformation from a productive, to a "post-industrial" orientation expressed by the emergence of the "Sixty-Eighters," as marked especially by so-called "environmentalist" indoctrination.
Although we see the effects of this cultural paradigm-shift most clearly in the instance of the "Baby Boomer" and "Tweener," the shift which produced these social-cultural down-turns were set into motion by the generation of the "Baby Boomer's" parents. It was during the young-adulthood of those parents that the generation of Baby Boomers was conditioned to the standard being set by the Congress for Cultural Freedom. It was the effect of that conditioning, especially as in the "middle-class" suburbia of the 1950s cults of "White Collar" and "The Organization Man," which erupted with force in the wake of the terror wrought by the succession of 1962 missiles-crisis, the assassination of President Kennedy (and others), and the launching of the insane official U.S. war in Indo-China. The 68ers were the harvest; but, who planted that crop?
Since recently, those now highly visible, present patterns already set into motion during the immediate post-war period, are already commanding more and more critical attention from relevant economic and political circles in the U.S.A., as also in Europe. The turn against the "anti-nuclear energy" fads of the 1970s, is typical of this change in direction of trends. The trend toward domination of political life by "alternative life-styles" and related social-cultural trends in broader terms of reference, is now being recognized as something which must be significantly reversed, especially in government and economy, at least to the degree that these notions of "alternative life-styles" are blocks against resumption of those policies of long-term investment in scientific and technological progress which had become virtually outlawed by the overreaching political influence of the 1968er-shaped counterculture.
The difficulties to be seen in the difficult situation of an otherwise capable political figure, Social Democratic Chancellor Gerhard Schröder, in the keystone nation of Germany, are only typical of this principled conflict between countercultural fads and the possibility of averting nations' economic collapse into wasteland conditions, and into the kinds of brutish governments the persistence of such countercultural influence would ensure. Virtually the same patterns of problem are reflected throughout Europe, and in the U.S.A. itself.
Nonetheless, the vestiges of the counterculture are still a potent factor. Attraction to self-destructive behavior left over from the heyday of the 68ers, such as "recreational drug" cultures, and aversion to technological progress in technologies expressed as infrastructure and production, are factors which tend to prompt a population to prefer to destroy itself, rather than react to an existential threat with appropriate response. Such attractions, if they continue to prevail, even in the relatively short run, in the U.S.A. and elsewhere today, are the specific cultural factors which define a self-doomed culture, and its relevant nations. Under present trends of collapse of national economies, these counter-cultural impediments are now, clearly, the factor which will doom any and all nations which continue to submit to them. When such misnamed "left-wing" factors are allowed and able to continue to exert their intended veto-rights in nations otherwise dominated by the unimpeachably radical right-wing views of such as the Mont Pelerin Society and American Enterprise Institute, dictatorships as ugly as Hitler's would become soon more or less inevitable, as we see this immediate threat, for kindred reasons, from today's latest version of fascism, President George Bush's and Karl Rove's religious-right constituency, from inside the U.S.A. today.
Fukuyama and General Motors
Also consider the relevance of a related right-wing threat, of what might be termed "The Francis Fukuyama Syndrome."
Neo-conservative ideologue Francis Fukuyama, of "The End of History" syndrome, expresses the most dangerous type of post-1989 outcome of the long period of conditioning by the virtually pro-Satanic quality of existentialist programming conducted under the sponsorship of the Congress for Cultural Freedom. This is compounded by two factors which can be observed as conspicuous at bookstores operating in the vicinity of any campus of an institution of higher education.
Walk around the shelves of such bookstores. Think back to even the same booksellers' firm, even in the same location, twenty years or more ago. You are visiting a psychiatrist's black museum, an existentialist's nightmare! Put Francis Fukuyama in that collection.
The cultural profile of the U.S. population (and much of that of Europe) has changed radically, much for the worse, under the impact of a cultural-paradigm shift launched on a wide scale during the period following the close of World War II. There was a cultural shift from the rising historical optimism of the time of Franklin Roosevelt's Presidency, up to the point, after the close of that war, there was a change away from an optimistic nation-building outlook for the future history of our planet, toward a culture in which passion for extermination of the hated Soviet Union became virtually the chief motive for existence in the general cultures of many relevant nations.
Then, during 1989-1991, that chief motive for existence, among such and similarly affected strata, was suddenly removed. For people who had been conditioned to the post-war change dominated by the Congress for Cultural Freedom and related cult-formations, the collapse of the Soviet Union was experienced, ironically, but lawfully, as their personal catastrophe. They had lost their enemy, the enemy whose existence had become almost their very motive for existence, their motive for the way they thought about the world, its culture, and their place in that world.
Their most passionately intended victim had been taken away from them, and they hated this as might the fox on the day the farmer shut down the operation of the henhouse. The enemy whom they had needed to nourish that hatred, which had been the foundation of their adopted historic mission in life, had been taken away from them; the children's favorite toys had been taken away from them! For those so deprived of their preference among intended victims, it was, indeed, the end of history. For those of Fukuyama's persuasion, the girl they had lusted to rape in the most sadistic manner possible, had been taken out of their reach! They wept, as Francis "Thrasymachus" Fukuyama's piece implies the torrent of rage and tears of such Straussian neo-conservatives: 'Who can I rape today?!"
Fukuyama and his confederates represent one of the extreme expressions of the disease; but, the same syndrome is much more widespread, if often in a less dramatic form. The more widespread expression of the same pattern is seen as reflected in the recent years form of emerging conflict between the Baby Boomer generation and the young-adult children of those Baby Boomers.
And, then the day finally came, when General Motors was declared to be junk.
The tendency among Baby Boomers today, since 1989, is to concentrate on cultivating a life-style which is intended, like a drug, to console them during what they anticipate might be a long, purposeless sojourn in the anteroom of death. They are left in the transition from the age of "pot," into their present age of Viagra. They wish little but their attempts to amuse themselves. History has ended for them, as for Fukuyama; the future, for them, no longer really exists.
At the time General Motors turned into financial junk, they were caught playing games. They were playing like aging men meeting more or less daily to play checkers or chess in the park, while waiting in that existentialist nightmare-world of their current life-style amusements, whiling away the time waiting for the arrival of death they hope will take them gently by surprise. That Baby Boomer generation, in particular, has lost a sense of a mission in life, and is consoling itself in diversionary comfort zones, sometimes called life-styles; whereas, its generation's best young-adult offspring, on the contrary, are demanding a purpose, a meaning for the decades of adulthood immediately before them. Hence the current expression of a generational conflict between the two strata of parents and young adult offspring.
I have become, by necessity, an expert with special qualifications in international experience of the syndrome I have just summarized. The Baby Boomer will react to stress, but will seldom take on the cause of that stress itself; instead, they will react to stress by choosing some activity which functions as a kind of life-style comfort-zone, as an acted-out fantasy. They are reacting, as Fukuyama does, to what they perceive as the end of history, treating their dollhouse-like play-reaction to the new stress, by activity whose pathetic ineffability serves them as a "comfort zone." They are not failing to react; they are reacting by fleeing into a symbolic form of activity, such as so-called "cultural activity," the form of social-stress-pain-killer which fits their adopted life-style as an escapist's comfort-zone.
Such has been the mode of reaction in leading circles to the currently onrushing GM crisis. That syndrome expresses the way civilizations which have already doomed themselves, like T.S. Eliot's J. Abner Prufrock, sometimes prefer to die with not more than a whimper to mark their passing. One among their apparent alternatives would be to die like Hamlet, out of fear of what some who should fight express as "...that dread of something after death, the undiscovered country from whose bourn no traveller returns." Unlike Hamlet, most of our Boomers would prefer not to be slaughtered while fighting, but would rather wait, while dreaming, to be peacefully smothered in their beds. They would prefer not to react to the death of GM, until after it is hopelessly dead, and they can then rise from their bedded fantasies, to mourn what they should have, and could have prevented.
But, you see, they no longer believed in the actual existence of a future. They knew, like Fukuyama, that history had come to an end about 1989. So, knowing that, they lived only to be entertained. The act of mourning will be their new source of recreation.
GM's crisis is a reality, if not for the GM top management, which has its prospects for more money by selling GM as junk, but not reality, in mind. It is a terrible reality for our nation's future. If it is disassembled, the situation of the U.S. economy, and its people, become virtually hopeless. Yet, the typical Baby Boomer does not react to this fact; he, or she reacts to perceived, or anticipated reactions to GM's situation by Baby Boomers. What they react to is not the real GM as a productive capability, but GM as a financial-social phenomenon. They tend to react empathetically to their peers of the GM management, rather than the impact of this situation on the physical future of our nation and its people.
As if to show you that I do not exaggerate this decadence in the slightest, they will usually turn the conversation to the subject of, "But, how is the market doing?" It is if they had asked, "But, Mrs. Lincoln, how did you like the play?"
4. Why Globalization Is Destroying
Our Civilization
Before describing the system used for the rape and ruin of the United States by globalization today, I must set the stage on which the rape is being performed. This setting of the stage requires two steps. First, I must now prepare the ground with a few paragraphs on the crucially relevant matters of historical background from American history, and, following that, second, I must perform the function which Shakespeare sometimes assigned to the figure of his character Chorus. I must, as a prologue, summarize the most important background on the GM and related crises of today, a summary on the subject of the roots of today's fraudulent scheme for globalization, roots which lie within the history of Europe's past.
Thus, Chorus steps forward on stage, and speaks as follows.
Under that American System of political-economy which intelligent people associate with the U.S.A.'s original Treasury Secretary Alexander Hamilton, U.S. policy was guided by the intention to use the underlying constitutional powers of regulation to maintain what is often called a "fair trade" policy, a policy aided by various forms of tax, trade, and tariff arrangements made by governments.[22] The modern principle of natural law on which the implicitly "fair trade" policies of Hamilton and other U.S. patriots depended, was the founding principle of the modern sovereign nation-state, the so-called "general welfare" or "commonwealth" principle associated with the first modern nation-states, Louis XI's France and Henry VII's England. Under this principle, prices in the market-place were regulated, by various choices of means, all to the intended effect of ensuring that the "Enron-like" practices of Venetian financier-oligarchical usury responsible for causing the Fourteenth-Century "New Dark Age" were checked through "protectionism," through the use of the power of the state to regulate fair prices, tariffs, and conditions of trade.
The founding U.S. constitutional principle, the obligation of government to promote the general welfare, which had been adopted earlier by the Fifteenth-Century Renaissance, had not been new even then. The principle of the general welfare is associated with the celebrated reforms at Athens under Solon. It is a principle upheld in Plato's Republic, and has remained a central principle of Christianity—the principle of agape, as affirmed in such locations as the Apostle Paul's I Corinthians 13. It is the founding constitutional principle of that 1648 Treaty of Westphalia which ended the 1492-1648 religious warfare in Europe.
However, despite the ancient authority of that rule of law, the coming into existence of the modern sovereign form of nation-state in France and England, was challenged by an resurgence of that evil Venetian financier-oligarchical power which had earlier plunged Fourteenth-Century Europe into that century's "New Dark Age." The late Fifteenth-Century Venetian resurgence, had erupted through the fall of Constantinople; this resurgent force was that same power, the same Venetian financier oligarchy, which had reigned over Europe, in its earlier partnership with the Norman chivalry, during the medieval period. The 1648 Treaty of Westphalia became an important, powerful setback to that resurgent Venetian party's power, but Venice's financier oligarchy soon came back into power in a new disguise.
A decline of the power of that Venice as a state, during the course of the Seventeenth Century, prompted the Venetian oligarchy to recreate itself, this time in the form of the growing financier power of an Anglo-Dutch Liberal oligarchy centered around the Dutch and English East India companies. At Paris, in February 1763, the British East India Company of Lord Shelburne et al. was established as what was known as the Eighteenth-Century Venetian Party, a Party whose leading element emerged as what was to become formally known later as the British Empire, the Empire whose design had been developed by Lord Shelburne's lackey Edward Gibbon.
On the opposing side, the American struggle against the new tyranny of the neo-Venetian, Anglo-Dutch financier oligarchy, from 1763 onward, gave birth to the American War of Independence and the U.S. Federal Constitution. Later, the triumph of President Lincoln's U.S. republic over the British imperial asset known as the Confederacy, unleashed and demonstrated the superior qualities of the U.S. system over those existing in Europe at the time. From about 1876 onward, the American System of political-economy, as associated with the names of Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, Mathew Carey, Frederick List, and Henry C. Carey, became the model copied to a lesser or greater degree by Bismarck's Germany, Alexander II's Russia, Meiji restoration Japan, and other nations.
Nonetheless, the American Tory interests coordinated by the British Foreign Office's Jeremy Bentham and his sometime protégé Lord Palmerston, who were run by networks typified by treasonous Aaron Burr and the drug-running circles of the Perkins Syndicate, used the opportunities of every moment of weakness inside the U.S. to attempt to virtually recolonize us. The pack of soundrels, including Zbigniew Brzezinski, Samuel P. Huntington, and Henry A. Kissinger, hatched, so to speak, in the nest of Professor Yandell Elliott at Harvard University, is typical of the means by which subversive, alien influences have penetrated and corrupted our institutions.
Thus, given the imperial power of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal form of Venice-style financier-oligarchical power, and despite the proven superiority of the American System of political-economy over all rivals, the Anglo-Dutch financier oligarchy developed a strong foothold among the financial centers inside the U.S. itself, as the cases of Theodore Roosevelt, Ku Klux Klan fanatic Woodrow Wilson, Calvin Coolidge, Herbert Hoover, and Richard Nixon's heritage attest. Today, the pro-fascist Mont Pelerin Society, and associations such as the American Enterprise Institute, reflect that poisonous, alien influence, in the guise of "free trade" doctrines, inside our nation's policy-shaping, that to the present date.
That corrupting influence is the most visible source of the way in which General Motors, among other entities, has been run and ruined through the inevitable effects of the prolonged reign of policies of "free trade" and "globalization." Given the evidence, the reason for the adoption of those ruinous policies is fairly identified as nothing but a largely self-inflicted form of mass-insanity among the victims, including General Motors' currently reigning top management stratum itself.
In this present chapter of this report, I use the case of the General Motors crisis as a timely illustration of the principles at issue in the fight to defend our nation and its people against the evils specific to the neo-Venetian scheme known popularly as globalization. This includes defending our republic against those habituated mental disorders which have been the subsuming topic of this report on the roots of our current national catastrophe.
The most significant of the anti-U.S.A. policies currently promoted by that neo-Venetian power of the Anglo-Dutch-Liberal financier-oligarchical system, are fairly summarized under the topical heading of that term, "globalization." The presently accelerating collapse, and threatened disintegration of General Motors Corporation and associated industrial enterprises, is essentially a product of this globalization campaign. That is the drama which unfolds here upon this stage.
Unfortunately, as you shall see in what is soon to follow here, the worst of it all, is that virtually no leading political circle in the U.S.A. today, has had even the rudiments of the needed, competent understanding of either that policy, or of the mechanisms by which this ruin has been conducted. The people of the U.S.A., as well as the leaders of their political parties and other relevant institutions, have been, chiefly, self-blinded to the reality of that operation and the dangers it poses to our national sovereignty and population alike. In other words, this is another example of the psychological blindness of most of our fellow-citizens, even our leading institutions, to the present reality of world's economic situation.
It is my included mission here, to make clear the origins and character of this threat to our republic's continued existence. The drama begins now with a summary, next, of the highlights of the specific features of that history which lead directly into the emergence and unfolding of the present General Motors crisis.
Globalization's Imperial Roots
Globalization is a new synonym for what used to be known as imperialism. It represents a specific form of historical imperialism, imperialism ruled by an oligarchy, rather than an actual emperor. This is a type of imperialism which historians recall from the experience of ancient Greece's Peloponnesian Wars, an imperialism of the form which follows the more recent model of that imperialism pioneered by medieval Venetian financier oligarchy of approximately the 1000-1400 interval. No competent understanding of the U.S.A.'s and world's present situation could be reached without taking into account those roots of the present situation, roots which are to be found in those cited points of ancient and medieval history.
The principal roots of today's globalization practices are traced in European history as evolved from the experience of ancient Europe with its principal foe, the ancient Babylon embedded within the so-called Persian Empire. After a coalition led by Athens had defeated that empire's last attempt to conquer Greece directly, Greece virtually destroyed itself through the self-inflicted effects of the immoral actions, and imperial ambitions of the Athens of Pericles and Thrasymachus, in launching of what is known as the Peloponnesian War.
Through a crucial role by the alliance of the then deceased Plato's Academy of Athens with Alexander the Great, the Persian-Macedonian project for an enlarged Persian Empire, to include the Mediterranean littoral, was defeated, but the model which had been intended for an enlarged Persian Empire returned later in the form of the Roman Empire established under Augustus Caesar.[23] The demographic collapse of that Roman Empire in its western part, led to the division of empire as whole, by the Emperor Diocletian, and the establishment of the eastern division, the Byzantine Empire, under one of Diocletian's protégés, Constantine.
Many centuries after Constantine, the chiefly self-inflicted crises of the always tragic and dwindling Byzantine Empire led to the emergence of a former client of that Empire, Venice, as an independent maritime and financier-oligarchical power allied with the Norman chivalry. Thus, the medieval period from about 1000 A.D. until the close of the Fourteenth Century, was dominated by what was known as an ultramontane order. The term, ultramontane, refers to what was later exposed, in proceedings of the Fifteenth-Century great ecumenical Council of Florence, as the fraudulent document known as "The Donation of Constantine," which allegedly gave the Pope imperial dominion over what the Emperor Diocletian had defined as the western division of the Roman Empire.[24] The control of Europe by, predominantly, the Venetian-Norman partnership, had used this fraudulent document as the legalistic pretext for continuing to impose a special form of imperial rule upon Europe during the most of those relevant centuries.
Then, the modern nation-state, as proposed by Dante Alighieri's De Monarchia, among the kindred efforts of other authors,[25] was established in principle of law through the tacit adoption of Nicholas of Cusa's Concordantia Catholica. As noted, the first actual nation-state republics which met that specification, were Louis XI's France and Henry VII's England: governments under the rule of natural law (e.g., the obligation of the sovereign to promote the general welfare). The forces which shared that principle of law on which our own constitutional republic was later founded, were known as the commonwealth party.
The Venetian financier oligarchy's counterthrust, from the 1453 A.D. fall of Constantinople on, was to crush the existence of the institution of the sovereign nation-state, and to develop an imperial order restoring the earlier ultramontane system of imperial rule. The presently ongoing plunge of the world into the process of globalization expresses a recurrence of that Venetian intention. This Venetian strategy, which was set into motion through the 1492-1648 pattern of religious warfare set into motion by Grand Inquisitor Tomás de Torquemada's Hitler-prefiguring launching of the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, is the basis for the phenomena of modern imperialism, and globalization, within today's European civilization.
The conflict between the two systems, the sovereign nation-state and Venetian policy of ultramontanism, within Europe, has never been resolved to the present day. The lurch toward a revival of imperial ultramontanism as a world system, now under the umbrella of globalization, is a product of that continuing ambiguity, to the present time.
Originally, Venice's intention in launching the religious warfare of 1492-1648 from the Spain of Grand Inquisitor Torquemada, was to reestablish imperial rule over Europe through Venice's client, the Hapsburg dynasty then in the process of gobbling up Spain's royal Trastamara family. During the later decades of that period, the self-inflicted ruin of Hapsburg Spain, provided the occasion for the rising power of a new party within Venice, what became the predominantly Protestant faction built up under the leadership of the founder of modern empiricism, Venice's Paolo Sarpi. The late Seventeenth-Century emergence of the Anglo-Dutch India Company, was the consequence of Sarpi's continuing influence even after his death.
It is no mere coincidence that Gibbon, a lackey of the British East India Company's notable tyrant, Lord Shelburne, composed his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire in support of the thesis of establishing the Anglo-Dutch Liberal Party of "The Enlightenment," then also known during that century as "The Venetian Party," as a permanent world empire, with the newly created British monarchy as that empire's intended "Doge." That intention has persisted as an organic feature of the ideology of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal consequence of the Venetian financier oligarchy, up to the present day. That intention is the root motive of the spread of globalization now.
Superstitious people tend to attempt to explain everything by "greed" or some kindred sort of gimmick. Such childish sorts of popular credulities as that show a people which has virtually no comprehension of human nature. The strongest motivation of any person has, heretofore, usually tended to be based upon his or her sense of personal identity; his or her motives tend to be what he or she has been conditioned to adopt as the attributes of that sense of identity. Nothing illustrates this more plainly than observations available to be made of the utter silliness often displayed at almost any gathering of self-esteemed persons of aristocratic or kindred caste-like pretensions. Simply said: "We lads must keep those blokes in their place—whatever that takes!" Or, the kindred, frankly racist spewings to similar effect in states where the traditions of the Confederacy run deep. Such is the drama here before us.
Since 1776-1783, until the defeat of Lord Palmerston's schemes by the U.S.A. under President Lincoln's leadership, the intention of the British monarchy, then led by the rising power of Lord Shelburne, had been to either reconquer the U.S.A., or divide its territory among a pack of squabbling local tyrannies, such as Palmerston's project known as the short-lived Confederacy. After President Lincoln's victory over Palmerston's Confederacy and Emperor Maximilian's projects, a new strategy was devised, under the Prince of Wales and King Edward VII. This new plot aimed to assimilate the U.S.A., under London agents, as an affiliated part of an new form of the British Empire, a British Commonwealth. In this context, the roles of the "Lost Cause" ideologues, Theodore Roosevelt and Ku Klux Klan fanatic Woodrow Wilson, like that of Calvin Coolidge, became the prelude for what were an expression of this same Commonwealth project expressed by the Harvard University-based "kindergarten" under "Lost Cause" ideologue, the Nashville Agrarians' Professor William Yandell Elliott.
The faction echoed by that role of Harvard-based British intelligence asset Elliott, is not merely an echo of the Confederacy tradition of Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson, and the Nashville Agrarians' Elliott; it was, in the broader sense, a continuation of the unbroken tradition of the British East India Company's Perkins Syndicate, the Hartford Convention project, British agent Aaron Burr's role as an agent of the British Foreign Office's Jeremy Bentham, and the run-up to the Confederacy organized by that crew.
This is the role of the Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson in our U.S. history. Both pranced on stage as the impassioned ideological heirs of the Confederacy, and the role of the network of financier interests centered on the tradition of that Perkins Syndicate, which is the continuing kernel of U.S. faction behind the neo-imperialist globalization plot expressed by the ruin of General Motors, and others, today.
One slice from the history of ancient Greece, when taken as a sample from the history of European civilization suffices to illustrate what also needs to be considered in assessing the drive for globalization.
Athens versus Sparta
For Classical scholars, the history of the European civilization on stage in this General Motors crisis, is traced from the origins of the conflict between the Sparta which was the slavery-based society associated with the code of Lycurgus, and that opposing legacy of Solon of Athens, the latter which served as a continuing, leading inspiration in the crafting of the design of our own republic's constitution. The figure of Solon is associated with the roles of exemplary figures of that general period of history such as Thales of Miletus, Solon, Pythagoras, and Socrates and Plato. These typify a network of persons whose work is closely associated, both by reputation and by internal characteristics of their work, with the legacy of Egypt.
The figures of Thales, Solon, and Pythagoras, and, later Socrates and Plato, have been for millennia since, and still today, the centerpieces of something very special which was developed within ancient Greek culture, something for which Greek culture remains deeply indebted to the legacy of the scientific tradition, as of Sphaerics, of ancient Egypt. That legacy has been the continuing theme of this present report, up to this present point of my account. We call this heritage, this something special, the Classical legacy of European civilization.
Even after the legacy of both Greece and Rome's Cicero had been crushed by a brutish Rome under Augustus and Capri's Tiberius, the legacy of the superior culture of ancient Greece's language and Classical tradition lived on as a reverberation of the Hellenistic culture which developed under the Ptolemies. It was the language and leading literate culture of the region of Palestine, and was the principal language-culture through which the Christian Apostles spread Christianity as the great force which ancient Rome could not crush out of existence. It was also the culture of great Jews of that time, as typified by Philo of Alexandria. In this process the legacy of Plato, and, therefore, that of Socrates and the Pythagoreans, became an integral part of that monotheistic culture which has been the leading Christian culture of Europe, and also the Jews, and, later, Islam.
This Classical legacy, pivotted on this role of the Classical tradition of ancient Greece, is the specific distinction which gives rational meaning to the use of the term "European civilization" today. Thus, the struggle within European civilization, of monotheism against the legacy of such abominations as the Gods of Olympus, has been the driving force of culture upon which the special contributions of European civilization to humanity, including the notion of the modern sovereign nation-state, have been premised by the founders of the sovereign U.S.A., among others.
The blossoming of the fuller potential of this heritage of Classical culture, was held back until the Fifteenth-Century rise of the modern commonwealth established in the forms of the sovereign nation-state republic. So, Satanic Tiberius struck from his Isle of Capri, through the hand of his virtual son-in-law Pontius Pilate, to effect the judicial murder of Jesus Christ. So, the war between the legacy of Classical culture and its chief enemy, the Roman imperial tradition, is the pivotal feature of the world civilization which has been molded by the impact of European culture on all other parts of the world.
Now, the principal nations of the world are engaged in an effort to realize the advantages which European civilization, in its nobler part, has made accessible, as a model, to peoples of the world at large. Now, the cultures of Asia, most notably, are seeking to develop means by which they can secure for themselves the specific kinds of advantages in which the European Classical tradition of the Golden Renaissance has been a pioneer.
The fate of humanity now depends, for the immediate generations yet to come, on the successful realization of the integration of the Classical legacy as a pivot of a new world culture.
For reasons inhering in human nature, Classical culture today depends upon the institution of the culture of the sovereign nation-state republic, a state in which the rule of the commonwealth principle is supreme. It must be a configuration of sovereign peoples which is coherent with the great principle of peace upon which the anti-Hobbesian, 1648 Treaty of Westphalia was premised.
This intention which I have just described thus, has bitter enemies. The most hated target of those enemies is the legacy of the U.S. constitutional republic itself. The preferred antidote to our existence, by those who hate our republic the most, is the imperial model. The form of organization of that imperial model which were most likely to be adopted by those adversaries of ours today, is what I have described as the Venetian, or ultramontane model which is expressed today by the hysterical exertions by our republic's enemies now, to destroy our sovereignty while they still might be able to bring that about through what is called globalization.
The intended destruction of both General Motors and Ford, as great machine-tool-based production capabilities, is our enemies' presently most immediate, leading, imperial goal. The accomplices for this crime against our nation include the witting, and also the unwitting traitors within.
How Globalization Works
Now, we come to globalization itself.
Why did we tolerate this destruction of our republic and its partners in this way? The insanity and the bestial immorality of the Congress for Cultural Freedom, typify the principal causes for our republic's own intellectual decadence, moral corruption, and the specific betrayal of everything which the Franklin Roosevelt Presidency had revived from our traditions in rescuing the world from the threat of Nazi rule. The role of the pro-slavery ideologies of John Locke, the ideology of vice of Bernard Mandeville and his followers, and the brutishness of the superstition of that hater of our independence, Adam Smith,[26] typify the influences which led into the culturally and economically suicidal "cultural paradigm-shift" of the late 1960s and the 1970s.
Under the influences of that moral corruption, our U.S.A., chiefly in concert with the United Kingdom, took the following steps toward establishing a system of one-world rule known as "globalization."
From its formal beginnings, under U.S. President Nixon, in 1971-72, it worked along the following lines.
The principal drivers of a progressive form of economy are, on the one side, basic economic infrastructure, and, on the other side, the role of a coherent body of fundamental and related scientific progress in driving those activities associated with the notion of a machine-tool function. The so-called "Third World" nation, even when it has developed extensive elements of modern industry and agriculture, is characteristically grossly deficient in respect to those two principal drivers. In addition, as the cases of billions-people emerging powers, China and India, best illustrate the point, the weaknesses in the categories of infrastructural development and lack of a sufficiently extensive development of the science-driver, machine-tool elements in depth, are correlated with a situation in which as much as seventy percent of these somewhat powerful nations are crippled by extreme poverty.
Since a national economy is to be assessed in terms of the interdependence of nearly all of its population's households, an economy which is underdeveloped in infrastructural development and in the breadth, depth, and integration of the science-machine-tool sector, must also be a national economy laboring under a crippling ration of those of its people plunged into desperate poverty by the very same national system which makes a few very rich, a significant minority more or less comfortable, and accomplishes the foregoing results through maintaining a system whose existence leaves the great majority of its people very poor, and the nation as a whole weak and vulnerable through the effects of the great poverty which underlies its own national system.
We understand the mass of poverty of China, India, and other places today, by also understanding the policies and related practices through which the U.S.A. has been destroying itself, its own economy, throughout nearly four decades of a process which has led into the virtual state of U.S. national bankruptcy produced by globalization today. What the legacy of colonialism and the like have done to nations of Asia, is what we, during the recent decades, have been doing, quite successfully, to ourselves.
Already, during the 1950s, the U.S.A. was experimenting with formulas, the go-south models, later used as model experiences for introducing an international policy which has become known as globalization. This was the movement of industries from the "more expensive," and significantly unionized employment of the northern tier of states, into the infrastructure-poor, cheap-labor markets of the southerly states. The latter phenomenon was referred to as the case of "the run-away shop."
After the 1971-1975 development of the floating-exchange-rate monetary system, as a replacement for the fixed-exchange-rate Bretton Woods system, what has become known as "globalization" was launched in the guise of chiefly three models: the "Latin American" model; the sub-Sahara model for Africa; and the Asia model. The radical right-wing revolution of President Nixon's administration, was the key in the launching of each of these three models.
The Africa model was already under way during the early through middle 1970s. This model conformed to Henry A. Kissinger's National Security Study Memorandum 200, whose Africa component was frankly a plan for the genocide against the peoples of sub-Saharan Africa which has been continued through the present date. The operation against "Latin America" was put fully under way during the coordinated launching of the U.S.-backed British war against Argentina ("The Malvinas War') of Spring 1982, and the coordinated assault, following the financial-monetary rape of Mexico, launched in August 1982. The third major operation, targetting Asia, was actually begun against India with the rupee devaluation of the late 1960s, but set into motion otherwise during the 1970s as marked by changes in U.S. China policy, the coup against the Philippines Marcos government, and the presently still ongoing, Zbigniew Brzezinski-launched assault against "the soft under-belly of the Soviet Union."
In Central America, there were also some special cases worth noting as exceptions which define the rule. Notable is the case of the 1970s negotiations from Japan with Omar Torrijos's Panama, for developing a sea-level version of the Panama Canal, and the 1970s bi-lateral Mexico-Japan negotiations of oil-for-technology agreements which were rudely cancelled by U.S. interventions. Those were major operations against Panama and Mexico, for example (and also against Japan), but not crucial in themselves; the crucial operations came during 1982, led by the operations against Argentina and Mexico. This pair of 1982 operations set the pattern for what followed throughout Central and South America, from that time to the present day.
In Asia, Japan and Korea have crucial roles as leaders in technologies of heavy industry. China and India are mammoth nations, but burdened with vast populations of their extremely poor, and vastly underdeveloped in essential basic economic infrastructure. Indonesia is a large islands-based nation, with a constricted development in outlying areas, but with large raw potential for the future. The other nations are smaller and poorly developed, but have important potential roles and opportunities for development if general development cooperation emerges in East and South Asia as a whole. Russia's far east, Japan, Korea, China, and India, are the keystone nations for all long-term prospects for development within eastern and southern Asia as a whole.
The great hope for Asia is expressed by a policy which I crafted during an interval from the late 1980s and early 1990s, with a significantly leading role by my wife Helga Zepp-LaRouche on the Asia side. During August-September 1998, in response to the global chain-reaction effects of the collapse of U.S. speculation in Russia GKO bonds, I summed my Eurasia development perspectives in proposing to relevant U.S. and other circles what I named a Eurasian Triangle development perspective. Shortly after that, then Russia Foreign Minister Yevgeni Primakov made a kindred proposal for such triangular coordination to Delhi. That proposal has acquired legs in the course of recent discussions among the governments of Russia, China, India, and others. However, this proposal, which I fully endorse, nonetheless faces certain critical obstacles of a kind which are highly relevant for discussion of problems caused by effects of globalization.
The case of Central and South America is the place at which to begin the analysis of the relevant global patterns for discussion of the world's patterns of globalization as a whole. The point to be emphasized on this account is, that the present world monetary-financial system is still the U.S. dollar-based system. The very fact of the massive dollar claims against the U.S. by other nations, as China and Japan, or expressed otherwise through the combination of the U.S. fiscal debt and current-account deficit, does not lessen, but, rather greatly strengthens the grip of the U.S. dollar on the world system as a whole. Otherwise, the dollar system itself has been developed, especially since 1863-1876 by the continued policies of Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, on which the principlal traditions of the U.S.A. at home and in relationship to its western hemisphere neighbors has been based. U.S. world policy begins in U.S. policy toward the nations of the hemisphere. It is what the Nixon legacy did to our neighbors of the Americas which set the pace for the U.S. policy of the past thirty-odd years for the world as a whole.
That was inevitably the case in the way the U.S. promoted globalization, and still does. The vast combined legal and illegal immigration into the U.S. across our southern border is a rising tide which was launched, not from below our border, but from within the U.S. nation's capital itself.
The policies imposed upon the countries of Central and South America during the post-1971 period to date, have created a massive, purely usurious, cancerously expanding debt. This has been done to such effect, that virtually no nation of the region has any honorable net debt today, but is being crushed under a massive debt created by a fraudulent fiction concocted chiefly through the role of the International Monetary Fund and World Bank. These countries, considered as a whole, have more than repaid all of the honorable debt which they have incurred voluntarily.
The floating-exchange-rate system set into motion durng 1971-72, between U.S. President Nixon's folly of August 15, 1971 and the resolutions pushed through by the Nixon Administration's George Shultz et al. at the Azores monetary conference, was used as the ruse upon which a gigantic swindle was unleashed. The swindle worked in the following, or similar fashion.
A run against a targetted national currency was orchestrated through facilities including the London market. A purely speculative run against the targetted national currency of the Ibero-American nation was organized in this way. Then, it was "suggested" to the victim of this fraud, the targetted nation, that it might be able to get the predatory financial speculators off its back, if it asked the IMF or World Bank to step in and offer some advice to the victim of this financial rape, to induce the rapists to moderate their demands. "Devalue your currency," was the gist of the kindly advice given, in each case.
The government of the beleaguered victim would sense itself obliged to submit to such kindly advice. Ah, but, regrettably, the friendly visitors to the neighborhood said, you must also create a new debt, which, admittedly, you did not solicit, but which your creditors will demand in order to compensate your creditors for that devaluation of your currency which we proposed, and you have agreed to accept. So, a vast debt was created by means of such exotic "bankers' arithmetic."
These practices conducted under the auspices of the new, floating-exchange-rate monetary system, stripped the victim-nations of their ability to develop their essential basic economic infrastructure, or to fund investments in needed areas of agriculture and manufacturing. This result was, notably, an echo of the Nineteenth-Century methods of British and other imperialist looting of the colonial and semi-colonial parts of the world through what were classed as "international loans" generated by financier-oligarchical cartel's interests, a swindle now practiced under the kindly persuasion of an intrinsically corrupt and thieving IMF and World Bank.
This is the gist of what has been done. We shall return to the effects of that policy after returning to the subject of the kind of economics and related dogma under which this policy of practice is conducted.
A Faustian Pact
Worse, the methods used by the IMF, the World Bank, and their accomplices since 1971-72, have been essentially an echo of the methods associated with the Fourteenth-Century House of Bardi in orchestrating the "New Dark Age" policies which halved the number of parishes, and lowered the population by about a net one-third, during the middle decades of that century. The leading private banks engaged in this business today are the houses of Bardi and Peruzzi of our time today. In the main, everyone, every institution which conducts such policies of practice is practicing evil. However, those who are practicing this evil, the same evil expressed as the frankly stated policies of Enron, must be divided into two general types. Both types are essentially criminals, but one type, a powerful minority among them, can not be honestly described as other than Satanic. One is Faust; the other is Mephistopheles.
At the highest level of such culpability, the motive for globalization is the world-wide destruction of modern civilization, with the included objective of reducing the world's population to substantially less than one billions living, and mostly brutishly stupid individuals.
At the relatively lower level of predator, that of the Fausts, we have those who are acting as criminals, but who are doing so out of desire to share the privileges of the system in which they have chosen to participate, like a gambler at a crooked casino, or the hired killer who says to his victim: "Nothing personal; I'm just doing my job."
There is, of course, a third class of culprit, the fool who defends the alleged sincerity of the culprits doing what they do, perhaps out of the desire to show a sophist's respect either for current fads in public opinion, or to hope to attract a friendly response from the local predator of relevance. ("I really do not agree with him, but I do need the money!" Or, "Don't you see; it is very important that I get him to do that favor for me?")
The effect of the sundry measures to promote globalization has been the cheapening of the cost of products through transferring production from regions which incur the costs of modern standards of living and productivity for their populations as a whole—at least, approximately so, to regions where there is a lack of the incurred costs of both maintaining the general standard of living of the population, and a policy of avoiding the costs of the essential basic economic infrastructure upon which high standards of per capita productivity of entire populations depend.
The result is a lowering of the productivity of the internal productivity of developed nations, through the looting and related forms of exploitation of the territory of less-developed nations. This trend is accompanied, by shifting production from countries of cheaper labor, and lower standards of existence, to those of much cheaper labor and much lower standards of existence.
Thus, we have the pattern of the decades-long collapse of basic economic infrastructure in western Europe and North America, for example, through the shift of production of goods consumed in those nations to nations which have lower standards of infrastructure and existence. The vast and deep misery of Asian nations which have become exporters to Europe and North America, is a reflection of the consequences.
What we have been doing, in the name of raising the level of production technology used in developing nations, has been to lower the per-capita levels of essential infrastucture of the planet, at the expense of perpetuating cruel and often worsening impoverishment of the populations of the new exporting regions of the world.
Notable is, that given two nations which are employing the same standard of technology directly for production of a class of product, the nation with the poorer development of basic economic infrastructure will have a net lower physical productivity per capita and per square kilometer. The net productivity of any industry, or nation, depends upon the level of technological development of the platform of basic economic infrastructure on which the production of delivered goods depends.
In other words, the most notable of the global effects inherent in globalization, is a collapse of the "human carrying capacity" of the planet as a whole, and a correlated decline in average long-term physical productivity among the nations and population of the world as a whole.
Indeed, for precisely this reason, every estimate of net economic growth per capita in the U.S.A. during recent decades has been a gigantic hoax. In the U.S.A. today, for example, we claim, frankly, that we can no longer afford the standard of living in health-care and other ways which was virtually assured a decade or two ago.
Thus, while some populations and their governments support globalization out of incompetence in economic matters, the Mephistopheleans operating from a higher level of policy-shaping have been engaged in the intended destruction of civilization, and of the institution of the sovereign nation-state, in order to create a condition under which no nation comparable in independence and rate of progress to that of the U.S.A. of President Franklin Roosevelt would ever be capable, even for simply physical reasons, of coming into existence, ever again, on this planet. The intention of the Mephistopheleans behind the so-called "environmentalist" reforms has been genocide with that specific long-range historical intent in mind. That is the effect of what they do; that is the intention so expressed by the policies guiding their actions.
5. The Hopeful Alternative Before Us
Were the present collapse of General Motors and Ford to proceed at the rates now visible, the U.S.A. would no longer exist as a functional national economy even during the relatively short term period ahead. The loss of the machine-tool and closely related capabilities associated with the technological high end of that industry would mean the dropping of the U.S.A., and nearly all of its population, suddenly into the virtual status of a Third World nation.
What happens to the current financial superstructure and its management of those industries, is not a particularly significant issue. The survival of the production base and the social structures of the population associated with that base, are of the highest degree of importance for our nation's survival at this moment of existential crisis.
Instead of thinking of these productive capabilities and the communities associated with them as elements of the automobile industry as such, let us face the reality that we no longer require the scale of automobile production which had existed up to recent times. Let us focus on the capability of the industry, rather than its relationship to any one set of products. The characteristic of that industry is its organization around its kernel of the machine-tool factor. The strategic issue posed by the exemplary crises of General Motors and Ford, is the fact that unless we maintain that machine-tool component of that industry, the U.S. no longer represents a modern economy. Under that condition, we would soon cease to be a world power under the conditions of the presently onrushing general, global monetary-financial collapse.
We have a tremendous need for production which requires the contributing role of the same productive capabilities presently concentrated in the automotive industry. We must therefore act to protect the industry as a whole by means of required government action, while also diversifying the market for its characteristic quality of product-capability to such a degree that it remains fully employed.
The principal immediate markets for the use of that industry's presently apparently surplus capacity, are chiefly in the domain of large-scale basic economic infrastructure. Our failure, as a nation, to maintain this infrastructure, as in power generation and distribution, in water management, in mass transportation, and so on, has now reached a point of critical shortages which, unless remedied, would mean early and extensive breakdowns of our economy and of the conditions of life of our population. The portion of the automotive industry which is implicitly available for serving new markets in the domain of basic economic infrastructure is enormous. Public works in areas in which the need is enormous and critical, and whose requirements coincide with the special adaptive capabilities of the existing auto industry, would bring the U.S. economy above current economic break-even, as well as curing often dangerous current gaps in our basic economic infrastructure.
People who may wonder about what I have just implied as a general form of proposal should pause to think about the way our former agro-industrial economy was organized among the general territories and cities, towns, and countrysides of our nation as a whole. The industries in a certain town are an integral part of that economy, but also represent relations among the varieties of employment, and the family households of each community. The maintenance of the structure of distribution of crucial types of employment across the territory of our nation, and within regions of our nation, is a crucial aspect of our national economic security. The actual performances of a national economy must be measured, per capita and per square kilometer, by county area, across the nation as a whole. That is the way in which our national economic health can be competently measured. We must think of the implications of the way the function of the automobile industry lies within the structure of the counties, and so forth of the regions and of the nation as a whole.
Therefore, whatever else happens, the following emergency action must be taken.
The Federal government must take the productive potential of the auto industry under protection, pending its emergence, essentially intact as working productive capacity, as some future time when it might be returned to a fresh body of private ownership, The structure, including the social structure of the industry must be maintained, and lists of necessary programs of work assignment for the industry's specific technological potentials must be used to shift otherwise idle capacity of the industry into work-assignments consistent with the industry's technological potentials.
Above all, it must be recognized that such emergency action is something which we, our government, must do now, and that very quickly. Otherwise, we become something like a third-world nation, or something worse, very, very quickly.
The broader lesson, within which the immediate crisis-challenge of the auto industry is situated, is that we must rapidly reverse the trends in policy-shaping which have amounted to a drift into a so-called "post-industrial" society. We must make these reforms by emphasis on laws and understandings which return us from the folly of a "free trade" economy, to a "fair trade" economy. We must return to a heavy emphasis on basic economic infrastructure, and to rebuilding what can no longer be fixed, since it no longer exists to be fixed.
There is no practical reason that what I have proposed could not be done. It could be done, if we really wished to have it done. The question for many is, are you willing to survive, even if that means changing your ways back to some of the ways we used to behave, before we chose to make what experience now shows to have been some awful mistakes?
[1] The interaction of the simultaneous eruption of several of but a few among the principal financial bubbles, such as the financial bubble of the international automobile industry, now ready to be popped, would be sufficient to set off a sudden, deep collapse of the value of the U.S. dollar, the world's denominated reserve currency. A dollar collapse of that type would, in turn, be sufficient to set off a general, planet-wide chain-reaction of the monetary system as a whole. This would be orders of magnitude worse than the international situation during the 1930s. Such a scenario is currently imminent; preventive action must occur with a corresponding sense of urgency.
[2] U.S. President George W. Bush televised press conference of April 28, 2005.
[3] Cf. Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. The Economics of the Noösphere (Washington, D,.C.: EIR News Service, Inc., 2001).
[4] Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. "Science: The Power to Prosper," Executive Intelligence Review, April 29, 2005, pp. 6-10.
[5] As I have emphasized in locations published earlier, certain among the American liberals who had opposed slavery earlier, nonetheless responded to the end of slavery by launching a brutal attack on the education policies associated with Frederick Douglass, by insisting that the children of former slaves not be educated beyond the requirements of their intended destiny as menial labor. The attacks on Douglass' policy, and upon so-called "Caucasian" standards of culture, among some Americans of African descent, still today, have that wicked origin. This, however, is only typical of the way in which educational and cultural policies are used, more widely, as instruments of social control aimed to stultify the cognitive potentialities of targetted strata of the population. The doctrines of D'Alembert, Euler, Lagrange, et al., which Gauss attacked in 1799, are prime examples of cultural policies intended to "brainwash" certain creative potentials out of the mental capacities of the targetted student populations.
[6] Thus, Riemann freed mathematics to rejoin the universe of physical science by eliminating the pollution of "self-evident" definitions, axioms, and postulates from the physical domain, thus eliminating the notion of "imaginary" from recognizably competent expressions of physical science. Isaac Newton's notorious motto, "Hypotheses non fingo" had pretended to ban hypothesis from mathematics on the pretext that everything could be deduced from Euclidean-Cartesian sets of a priori definitions, axioms, and postulates. The work of Leibniz, Gauss, and Riemann had restored the central position of hypothesis, thus eliminating empiricist definitions, axioms, and postulates from physical science. As John Maynard Keynes showed, in reporting on the collection of virtual voodoo found in Newton's celebrated chest of writings, there was no evidence of any serious actually scientific work done by Newton. Newton was a hoax, created largely through the network of the Paris-based Cartesian, Venice's Abbe Antonio Conti.
[8] For example, according to Riemann's employment of Dirichlet's Principle.
[9] Of a catenary-cued geometry of universal physical least action.
[10] That is, not by methods of Euclidean geometry.
[11] This is distinct from, but coherent with the Christian (for example) notion of the existence of God. It might appear that God is the asymptote of all discoverable principles. However, applying the insights strengthened by reflection on Riemann's grasp of Dirichlet's Principle, the concept of God is above all otherwise knowable principles which His existence, as the universal Creator, subsumes.
[12] The commonplace foolishness, of speaking of modern European civilization as embodying a "Copernican revolution," is both an absurd and systemically counterproductive notion. The discovery of the Solar orbit by experimental methods of science is traced to Aristarchus of Samos. This was adopted by the Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa who launched modern experimental physical science, and such among his self-avowed followers as Luca Pacioli, Leonardo de Vinci, and Kepler. The characteristic of the scientific practice of modern European civilization is traced to the physics—the discovery of universal physical principles—of Cusa, Pacioli, Leonardo, and Kepler, chiefly, rather than the astronomy of Brahe and Copernicus.
[13] Cf. Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr. The Economics of the Noösphere (Washington, D.C.: EIR News Service, 2001). In connection with the content of this present chapter, on the subject of the Noösphere and related matters of physical economy, refer to Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr., Earth's Next Fifty Years (Leesburg, Va.: LaRouche PAC, 2005). [See also "Earth's Next Fifty Years" published in EIR.]
[14] Fermat's discovery of an experimental physical principle of least time served as the central principle of development of physical science through the work of Riemann.
[15] I Corinthians 13.
[16] Bernard Riemanns Gesammelte Mathematische Werke H.Weber, ed. (New York, Dover Publications reprint edition, 1953) pp.507-520.
[17] This is the characteristic short-coming built into the late Professor Wassily Leontieff's contributions to the design of the U.S. national income and product accounting systems. The same systemic error is embedded in the work of Leontieff's teacher N.D. Kondratieff, famous for his important theoretical and empirical work on long waves of cycles of impact of technology. My own original discoveries in the science of physical economy were prompted in significant part by my study of the relevant issues posed Leontieff's contributions to the U.S. national accounting systems. This study was a factor in the crafting of my first successful forecasts, of 1956 and 1959-60.
[18] I.e., we know life's existence through the experience of death. But we also know of the efficiency of that existence through the immortal fruits expressed in the fruit of the creative powers which the living inherit from the work of the deceased persons.
[19] The generation of the original discovery of a universal physical principle, occurs only as the creation of that conception, as a Platonic hypothesis, within the mind of the individual. The experimental proof of that hypothesis establishes the hypothesis as a universal principle. That spiritual act of the mind of the discoverer outlives the mortality of the discoverer, whose personality thus lives efficiently in society, and the universe, after the discoverer's death. The prompted replication of that discovery, in followers, in an expression of the immortality of the personality of the discover, as distinct from his, or her mortal frame. That sense of immortality, above any conflicting claims presented in mortal life, is the principled motivation of the actually moral form of mortal personality. Hence, a Jeanne d'Arc or Rev. Martin Luther King, for example.
[20] This is the distinguishing practical feature of the application of my methods in both long-range forecasting and policies of national and related economic development.
[21] I am shocked, but not surprised, by the lack of comprehension of the depth of deadliness in the implications of the General Motors crisis for the U.S. and world economies. This lack of comprehension, shown by both today's high-ranking financier and political circles inside the U.S.A. and abroad, does not surprise me when I take into account the fact of what the so-called "Baby Boomer" generation has undergone throughout their lifetimes, including the destructive effects of the influence of the morally degenerate Congress for Cultural Freedom on cultural and educational policies of the U.S.A. and Europe since the early 1950s. On both sides of the Atlantic, and beyond, the spread of the influence of "post-industrial" ideologies is actually the gravest threat to the continued existence of civilization today.
[22] Contrast the content of this chapter of the report to Washington Post columnist George Will's "What Ails GM" of Sunday, May 1, 2005. Will joins the corporate management of General Motors et al. for the problem. In fact, the problem is that while the healthcare requirement of GM employees and retirees has not risen in absolute terms, the ability of GM to earn enough from the sakes of its product to survive has collapsed, precisely because of the inevitable consequences of the changes to the "free trade"-driven global floating exchange-rate system which Will has continued to defend so passionately.
[23] The issue leading to the formation of the Roman Empire, was the squabble over who was to rule over the projected new form of a Persian Empire based upon what the Greeks had known as "the oligarchical principle." The civil wars among the factions formed around the Roman military commanders, including, notably, the relations between Cleopatra and, successively, Julius Caesar and Mark Antony, had been over this issue. The negotiations with the cult of Mithra conducted by Octavian on the Isle of Capri, formed the agreement which led to the elimination of Cleopatra's faction, the establishment of the empire at Rome, and the consecration of the Isle of Capri to the Roman emperors from that time until about 500 A.D.
[24] Under imperial law, only the emperor could make actual law. Kings and other official persons of lower rank could decree rules, but the principles of law were limited to those which existed at the pleasure of the present emperor. Through the Venetian-Norman alliance's struggles to control the Papacy, the Venetians were able to resist and crush sundry efforts to establish republics whose law-making powers were independent of the stipulations attributed to the fraudulent "Donation." Thus, Europe was under virtually continuous imperial rule from the beginning of the Roman Empire until the Fifteenth-Century Renaissance.
[25] The treatment of this portion of history has been explored chiefly by my wife Helga Zepp-LaRouche, a specialist in the work of the historian and playwright Friedrich Schiller, and of Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa. The latter's work she studied under generous assistance from Professor Haubst, the late head of the Cusanus Gesellschaft. Her account of the pre-Fifteenth-Century history of the founding of the modern nation-state took into account the work of various relevant authorities, including, most notably, the work of Professor Friedrich A. von der Heydte in the latter's Die Geburtsstunde des soveränen Staates (Regenburg: Druck und Verlag Josef Habbel. 1952).
[26] See Smith's attack on American independence, in his 1776 The Wealth of Nations. Smith was a personal lackey of Lord Shelburne, who was deployed to France to plagiarize the works of the Physiocrats Francois Quesnay and A.R.J. Turgot, a plagiarism which permeates Smith's celebrated diatribe against the Americans.
